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SEWARD, WILLIAM H. 



effectual resistance to the Kansas-Lecompton 

 Constitution Bill, to the Dred Scott decision, 

 and the other issues forced upon them by the 

 party in power. They were all the time gain- 

 ing strength and influence for the more des- 

 perate conflict soon to come. 



In 1860 the Republican party, strong and 

 united, while its opponents were divided in 

 their councils, seemed to be in a position to 

 reward with the first office in the nation's gift 

 the able statesman who so often had held up 

 its banners. At their National Convention of 

 1860, at Chicago, Mr. Seward received 173 

 votes for the presidency ; but other considera- 

 tions were thought to justify, and even render 

 imperative, Mr. Lincoln's nomination, and Mr. 

 Seward gracefully yielded what proved to be 

 his last opportunity of becoming the nominee 

 for that high office. It was almost a matter 

 of course that the new President should ten- 

 der him the first place in his cabinet, and it 

 was known early in February, 1861, that he 

 was to be Secretary of State. Before leaving 

 the Senate, he made a speech which was re- 

 garded by all parties as foreshadowing the 

 policy he intended to follow, and deep was 

 the chagrin of many of his friends at what 

 seemed to them a willingness to concede 

 every thing for the sake of maintaining the 

 Union. They had regarded him as the special 

 champion of universal freedom, and they were 

 distressed at the thought that he should sub- 

 ordinate freedom to the integrity of the Union. 

 This was not, however, the real design of Mr. 

 Seward. His astute mind had discerned that 

 the interests of freedom were not really in 

 peril, and that the preservation of the Uni.on, 

 or, failing that, the ability to throw upon the 

 secessionists the responsibility for its dissolu- 

 tion, was the true point to be attained. This 

 was very admirably expressed in the following 

 letter of his to a friend in New York who had 

 divined his purpose : 



WASHINGTON-, February 23, 1SYL 

 MY DEAR SIB : The American people in our day 

 have two great interests one, the ascendency of 

 freedom over slavery ; the other, the integrity of the 

 Union ! The slavery interest has derived its whole 

 political power from bringing the latter object into 

 antagonism with the former. Twelve years ago, 

 freedom was in danger, and the Union was not. I 

 spake then so singly for freedom that short-sighted 

 men inferred that I was disloyal to the Union. I 

 endured the reproach without complaining, and now 

 I have my vindication. To-day, practically, free- 

 dom is not in danger, and union is. With the loss 

 of union all would be lost. With the attempt to 

 maintain union by civil war wantonly brought on, 

 there would be danger of reaction against the Ad- 

 ministration charged with the preservation of both 

 freedom and the Union. Now, therefore, I speak 

 singly for union, striving, if possible, to save it 

 peaceably ; if not possible, then to cast the respon- 

 sibility upon the party of slavery. For this single- 

 ness of speech I am now suspected of infidelity to 

 freedom. In this case, as in the other, I refer my- 

 self, not to the men of my time, but to the judgment 

 of history. I thank you, my dear sir, for having 

 anticipated what I think history will pronounce. 

 But do not publish or show this letter. Leave me 



to be misunderstood. I am not impatient. I write 

 to you only because I would not Be, nor seem to be, 

 ungrateful. Faithfully your friend, 



WILLIAM H. SEWAKD. 

 Kev. DB. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON. 



The war followed, and through its whole 

 course -Mr. Seward exhibited an ability and 

 statesmanship which will be more and more 

 admired the more carefully they are studied. 

 He was accused of being an optimist, and much 

 sport was made of his prediction that the war 

 would not last ninety days; but this sublime 

 faith in the vitality of the republic, and the 

 hopeful spirit which he always maintained, 

 were invaluable in sustaining the confidence 

 and hope of those who were inclined to de- 

 spondency. He kept us from a foreign war 

 in addition to the civil war, and it is doubtful 

 if any other of our statesmen could have done 

 as much. He gained, too, the respect and 

 esteem of other nations and governments for 

 the country, to a degree that had never pre- 

 viously been experienced. He had passed the 

 ordeal, and those who had been impatient 

 and dissatisfied with his course were now 

 loudest in his praise. It was at this moment 

 that he was stricken down at the same time 

 with President Lincoln, by the hand of the 

 assassin. For a long time he lingered be- 

 tween life and death, but at length his vigor- 

 ous constitution triumphed over the peril, 

 and he recovered, though crippled by paraly- 

 sis, the result of his terrible injuries. He re- 

 tained his place in the cabinet, feeling that 

 the work which was assigned to him was not 

 complete until the States which had attempted 

 to withdraw were all reinstated, and the na- 

 tion was once more united. That period of 

 four years was one of great trial for Mr. 

 Seward, and subjected him to manifold criti- 

 cisms and denunciations some of them very 

 bitter; but he was never disposed to defend 

 his action, trusting rather to time to show 

 that he was right. There can be no question 

 now, that, whether his course was judicious 

 or injudicious, the motive which impelled him 

 to follow it was one of fidelity to what he be- 

 lieved to be duty ; and, when the secret history 

 of the Johnson Administration is made public, 

 it may prove that Mr. Seward was not so much 

 in error as many supposed. In March, 1869, 

 Mr. Seward retired from his eight years of 

 cabinet service to the pleasures and joys of 

 his home at Auburn, though that home had 

 been darkened by the shadow of a great afflic- 

 tion, the loss of his excellent wife. In 1869, 

 he journeyed through California and Mexico, 

 visiting the principal cities of that republic, 

 and in August, 1870, accompanied by several 

 members of his family, set out for a tour round 

 the earth, visiting the principal countries of 

 Asia, Northern Africa, and Europe, every- 

 where received with great honor, and every- 

 where making himself familiar with the gov- 

 ernment, policy, races, productions, and com- 

 merce of the countries he visited. He returned 



