CONFEDERATE STATES. 



the true point involved. It became a question 

 of strength between the Federal Government 

 and the State. The State herself was divided 

 in sentiment. The Federal Government made 

 concessions, and all open signs of strife disap- 

 peared. In this instance, the acts of oppres- 

 sion and wrong could not be stated in precise 

 words, nor estimated in figures. They were 

 not of such a positive and flagrant character 

 that the world could see or comprehend them. 

 Hence the course of South Carolina at that time 

 has not been approved by the sentiment of 

 mankind. By this difficulty a great stride was 

 taken towards a solution of the problem of a 

 separation of the States. The State and the 

 Federal Government reached the actual borders 

 of a violent struggle. 



Enough had been seen of the operation of the 

 Government to prove that this question of sep- 

 aration of a State or States from the Union, was 

 one which the American people must some time 

 meet and decide. Indeed, it may be declared, 

 as a general principle, that if the right of revo- 

 lution is sacred, such is the tendency of all hu- 

 man government, either through ignorance or 

 negligence, or from a wilful purpose, at some 

 period, to persist in oppressive and unjust meas- 

 ures, that none can escape the bitter experience 

 of internal bloodshed. In other words, if those 

 who have power will oppress, then those who 

 are oppressed, or who think they are oppressed, 

 or who suppose they are about to be oppressed, 

 will certainly resist, or they must consent to 

 become slaves. 



At this time, political agitation for the aboli- 

 tion of slavery commenced. This brought out, 

 in 1835, political agitation for its defence and 

 protection. Small and insignificant at first, this 

 contest grew into a terrific flame. The latter 

 party always asserted that, under a just and 

 strict administration of the Government accord- 

 ing to the Constitution, their rights were safe, 

 and slavery, as an institution, could not be es- 

 sentially damaged. At the same time, they 

 boldly and fully declared that, if the time should 

 ever come when they should be convinced that 

 they could not retain their rights as slaveholders 

 and slaveholding States, within the Union and 

 under the administration of the Federal Govern- 

 ment, they then should seek those rights and that 

 protection without the Union. In other words, 

 a separation or dissolution of the Union was to 

 be the alternative of the triumph of one side, 

 and the defeat of the other. With an astonish- 

 ing indifference, apparently, the mass of the peo- 

 ple witnessed this contest. It can be explained 

 only upon the supposition, that the attachment 

 to the Union of all the States was so great, and 

 its civil and social advantages so conspicuous 

 that none were ready to believe a serious pur- 

 pose for its destruction could be formed. Fi- 

 nally, on the 4th of November, 1860, the issue 

 was decided. The political agitators for the 

 limitation or abolition of slavery, triumphed 

 over the political agitators for its defence and 

 protection. The latter party immediately took 



the steps which they believed to be necessary 

 to carry out their long-threatened purpose. It 

 may not be altogether out of place in these 

 pages to ask if they were justified in beginning 

 these proceedings? In answer, it may be asked 

 if the slaveholding States were suffering at that 

 time, under the hand of the Federal Govern- 

 ment, such oppression and such wrongs as jus- 

 tify the exercise of the sacred right of revolu- 

 tion? They were not. Did they fear the 

 speedy infliction of such wrongs as would jus- 

 tify the exercise of the right of revolution? 

 This question is asked on the presumption that 

 the apprehension of wrongs and oppression will 

 justify revolution ; and, for the sake of the 

 argument, let it be granted. On this question 

 turns the whole case. Did they fear and ap- 

 prehend these wrongs? and were their fears 

 just and well founded ? The debates at the 2d 

 session of the 37th Congress, contain the views 

 of Southern Senators and Representatives. 

 (See CONGRESS, U. S.) According to these state- 

 ments such were their fears and apprehensions. 

 South Carolina, after adopting an ordinance of 

 secession, issued a declaration of grievances, 

 which consist of past injuries she has suffered. 

 (See SOUTH CAEOLINA.) This point was also 

 discussed in the South Carolina State Conven- 

 tion. The views there entertained, are shown 

 in the following debate : 



Mr. Parker : " Mr. President, it appears to 

 me, with great deference to the opinions that 

 have been expressed, that the public mind is fully 

 made up to the great occasion that now awaits 

 us. It is no spasmodic effort that has come 

 suddenly upon us, but it has been gradually 

 culminating for a long series of years, until at 

 last it has come to that point when we may 

 say the matter is entirely right." 



Mr. Inglis : " Mr. President, if there is any 

 gentleman present who wishes to debate this 

 matter, of course this body will hear him ; but 

 as to delay, for the purpose of a discussion, I for 

 one am oppposed to it. As my friend (Mr. 

 Parker) has said, most of us have had this mat- 

 ter under consideration for the last twenty 

 years, and I presume we have by this time 

 arrived at a decision upon the subject." 



Mr. Keitt : " Sir, we are performing a great 

 act, which involves not only the stirring pres- 

 ent, but* embraces the whole great future of 

 ages to come. I have been engaged in this 

 movement ever since I entered political life. I 

 am content with what has been done to-day, 

 and content with what will take place to-mor- 

 row. We have carried the body of this Union 

 to its last resting-place, and now we will drop 

 the flag over its grave. After that is done, I 

 am ready to adjourn, and leave the remaining 

 ceremonies for to-morrow." 



Mr. Rhett: "The secession of South Caro- 

 lina is not an event of a day. It is not any 

 thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or 

 by the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. 

 It has been a matter which has been gathering 

 head for thirty years. The election of Lincoln 



