DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 



263 



Seward that he had submitted to Lord John 

 1 the representations of his general cir- 

 cular, with the inaugural address of the Presi- 

 dent. He says : 



His lordship assured me with great earnestness that 

 there was not the slightest disposition in the British 

 Government to grasp at any advantage which might 

 be supposed to arise from the unpleasant domestic 

 differences in the United States ; but, on the contrary, 

 that thev would be highly gratified if those differences 

 were adjusted, and the Union restored to its former 

 unbroken position. 



I pressed upon him, in concluding, if that were the 

 case and I was quite convinced that it was how im- 

 portant it must be that this country and France should 

 abstain, at least for a considerable time, from doing 

 what, by encouraging groundless hopes, would widen 

 9 breach still thought capable of being closed. 



He seemed to think the matter not.ripe for decision 

 one way or the other, and remarked that what he had 

 said was all that at present it was in his power to say. 



Mr. Seward. writing to Mr. Adams under 

 date of April 27th, in reference to this commu- 

 nication of Mr. Dallas, says : ' You will hardly 

 need to be told that these last remarks of his 

 lordship are by no means satisfactory to this 

 Government." 



On the 2d of May, Mr. Dallas writes to Mr. 



ward that, at an interview with Lord John 

 !, the latter stated that the three repre- 

 sentatives of the Southern Confederacy were in 

 London : that he had not seen them, but was 

 not unwilling to do so unofficially ; that there 

 existed an understanding between his Govern- 

 ment and that of France, which would lead 

 both to take the same course as to recognition, 

 whatever that course might'be. He then re- 

 ferred to the rumor of a meditated blockade of 

 Southern ports, and their discontinuance as 

 ports of entry. 



On the 21st of May, Mr. Seward writes to Mr. 

 Adams that 4i this Government considers that 

 our relations in Europe have reached a crisis in 

 which it is necessary for it to take a decided 

 stand, on which not only its immediate meas- 

 ures, but its ultimate and permanent policy, 

 can be determined and denned." He then in- 

 forms Mr. Adams that the contents of this letter 

 are not to be read or shown to the British Sec- 

 retary of State, nor any of its positions pre- 

 maturely, unnecessarily, or indiscreetly made 

 known ; but its spirit will be his guide. 



A paper thus containing the private instruc- 

 tions of the Government, at such a time, to its 

 representative at the principal court of Europe, 

 is of more than ordinary interest to the Amer- 

 ican people. Mr. Seward then proceeds : 



The President regrets that Mr. Dallas did not pro- 

 test against the proposed unofficial intercourse between 

 the British Government and the missionaries of the 

 insurgents. It is due, however, to Mr. Dallas to say 

 that our instructions had been given only to you and 

 not to him, and that his loyalty and fidelity, 'too rare 

 in these times, are appreciated. 



Intercourse of any kind with the so-called commis- 

 sioners is liable to be construed as a recognition of the 

 authority which appointed them. Such intercourse 

 would be none the less hurtful to us for being called 

 unofficial, and it might be even more injurious, oeca_use 

 we should have no means of knowing what point* 



might be resolved by it. Moreover, unofficial inter- 

 course is useless and meaningless if it is not expected 

 to ripen into official intercourse and direct recognition. 

 It is left doubtful here whether the proposed unofficial 

 intercourse has yet actually begun. \ our own ante- 

 cedent instructions are deemed explicit enough, and it 

 is hoped that you have not misunderstood them. You 

 will, in any event, desist from all intercourse whatever, 

 unofficial as well as official, with the British Govern- 

 ment, so long as it shall continue intercourse of any 

 kind with the domestic enemies of this country. Wheu 

 intercourse shall have been arrested for this cause, you 

 will communicate with this department and receive 

 further directions. 



Lord John Russell has informed us of an understand- 

 ing between the British and French Governments that 

 they will act together in regard to our affairs. This 

 communication, liowever, loses something of its value 

 from the circumstance that the communication was 

 withheld until after knowledge of the fact had been 

 acquired by us from other sources. We know also 

 another fact that has not yet been officially communi- 

 cated to us, namely : That other European States are 

 apprised by France and England of their agreement, 

 and are expected to concur with or follow them in 

 whatever measures they adopt on the subject of recog- 

 nition. The United States have been impartial and 

 just iu all their conduct towards the several nations of 

 Europe. They will not complain, however, of the com- 

 bination now announced by the two leading powers, 

 although they think they had a right to expect a more 

 in dependent," if not a more friendly course, from each 

 of them. You will take no notice of that or any other 

 alliance. Whenever the European Governments shall 

 see fit to communicate directly with us, we shall be, 

 as heretofore, frank and explicit in our reply. 



As to the blockade, you will say that by our own 

 laws and the laws of nature, and the laws of nations, 

 this Government has a clear right to suppress insur- 

 rection. An exclusion of commerce from national 

 ports which have been seized by insurgents, in the 

 equitable form of blockade, is a proper means to that 

 end. You will not insist that our blockade is to be 

 respected, if it be not maintained by a competent force ; 

 but passing by that question as not now a practical or 

 at least an urgent one, you will add that the blockade 

 is now, and it will continue to be, so maintained, and 

 therefore we expect it to be respected by Great Britain. 

 You will add that we have already revoked the ex- 

 equatur of a Russian consul who h'ad enlisted in the 

 military service of the insurgents, and we shall dis- 

 miss or demand the recall of even* foreign agent, con- 

 sular or diplomatic, who shall either disobey the Federal 

 laws or disown the Federal authority. 



As to the recognition of the so-cafled Southern Con- 

 federacy, it is not to be made a subject of technical 

 definition. It is, of course, direct recognition to pub- 

 lish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and inde- 

 pendence of a new power. It is direct recognition to 

 receive its ambassadors, ministers, agents, or commis- 

 sioners, officially. A concession of belligerent rights 

 is liable to be construed as a recognition of them. Xo 

 one of these proceedings will pass unquestioned by the 

 United States in this case. 



Hitherto, recognition has been moved only on the 

 assumption that the so-called Confederate States are 

 de fade a self-sustaining power. Xow, after long for- 

 bearance, designed to soothe discontent and avert the 

 need of civil war, the land and naval forces of the 

 United States have been put in motion to repress in- 

 surrection. The true character of the pretended new 

 State is at once revealed. It is seen to be a power 

 existing in pronunciamento only. It has never won a 

 field. It has obtained no forts "that were not virtually 

 betrayed into its hands, or seized in breach of trust. 

 It commands not a single port on the coast, nor any 

 highway out from its pretended capital by land. Under 

 these circumstances, Great Britain is called upon_ to 

 intervene and give it body and independence by resist- 

 ing our measures of suppression. British recognition 



