266 



DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 



despatch arose out of a debate in Parliament, 

 and a statement by Lord John Kussell, that the 

 law officers were of opinion that the ports, of 

 New Grenada for instance, could not be closed 

 as against foreign nations, except by the regular 

 form of blockade. After a general survey of 

 the relations of the two countries subsequent to 

 the outbreak in April, with a statement of the 

 efforts of the United States to avoid all occasions 

 for irritation, Mr. Seward proce'eds : 



The case then seemed to me to stand thus : The two 

 nations had, indeed, failed to find a common ground 

 or principle on which they could stand together ; but 

 they had succeeded in reaching a perfect understand- 

 ing of the nature and extent of their disagreement, 

 and in finding a line of mutual, practical forbearance. 

 It was under this aspect of the positions of the two 

 Governments that the President thought himself au- 

 thorized to inform Congress on its coming together on 

 the 4th of July instant, in extra session, that the sov- 

 ereignty of the United States was practically respected 

 by all nations. 



Nothing has occurred to change this condition of 

 affairs, unless it be the attitude which Lord John Rus- 

 sell has indicated for the British Government in regard 

 to an apprebeuded closing of the insurrectionary ports, 

 and the passage of the law of Congress which author- 

 izes that measure in the discretion of the President. 



It is my purpose not to anticipate or even indicate 

 the decision which will be made, but simply to suggest 

 to you what you may properly and advantageously say 

 while the subject is 'under consideration. First. You 

 will, of course, prevent misconception of the measure 

 by stating that the law only authorizes the President 

 to close the ports in his discretion, according as he 

 shall regard exigencies now existing or hereafter to 

 arise. 



Secondly. The passage of the law, taken in connec- 

 tion with attendant circumstances, does not necessarily 

 indicate a legislative conviction that the ports ought 

 to be closed, but only shows the purpose of Congress 

 that the closing of the ports, if it is now or shall be- 

 come necessary, shall not fail for want of power ex- 

 plicitly conferred bylaw. When, on the 13th of April 

 last, disloyal citizens defiantly inaugurated an armed 

 insurrection by the bombardment of Fort Sumter, the 

 President's constitutional obligation to suppress the 

 insurrection became imperative. 



But the case was new, and had not been adequately 

 provided for by express law. The President called 

 military and naval forces into activity, instituted a 

 blockade, and incurred great expensA, for all which no 

 direct legal provisions existed. He convened Congress 

 at the earliest possible day to confirm these measures, 

 if they should see fit. 



Congress, when it came together, confronted these 

 facts. It has employed itself less in directing how 

 and in what way the Union shall be maintained, than 

 in confirming what the President had already done, 

 and in putting into his hands more ample means and 

 greater power than he has exercised or asked. 



The law in question was passed in this generous and 

 patriotic spirit. Whether it shall be put into execution 

 to-day or to-morrow, or at what time, will depend on 

 the condition of things at home and abroad, and a 

 careful weighing of the advantages of so stringent a 

 measure against those which are derived from the ex- 

 isting blockade. 



Thirdly. You may assure the British Government 

 that no change of policy now pursued, injuriously 

 affecting foreign commerce, will be made from mo- 

 tives of aggression against nations which practically 

 respect the sovereignty of the United States, or with- 

 out due consideration of all the circumstances, foreign 

 as well as domestic, bearing upon the question. The 

 same spirit of forbearance towards foreign nations, 

 arising from a desire to confine the calamities of the 

 unhappy contest as much as possible, and to bring it 



to a close by the complete restoration of the authority 

 of the Government as speedily as possible, that has 

 hitherto regulated the action of the Government, will 

 continue to control its counsels. 



On the other hand, you will not leave it at all doubt- 

 ful that the President fully adheres to the position that 

 this Government so early adopted, and wnich I have 

 so continually throughout this controversy maintained ; 

 consequently he fully agrees \yith Congress in the prin- 

 ciple of the law which authorizes him to close the ports 

 which have been seized by the insurgents, and he will 

 put into execution and maintain it with all the means 

 at his command, at the hazard of whatever conse- 

 quences, whenever it shall appear that the safety of 

 the nation requires it. 



I cannot leave the subject without endeavoring once 

 more, as I have so often done before, to induce the 

 British Government to realize the conviction which I 

 have more than once expressed in this correspondence, 

 that the policy of the Government is one that is based 

 on interests of the greatest importance, and sentiments 

 of the highest virtue, and therefore is in no case likely 

 to be changed, whatever may be the varying fortunes of 

 the war at home or the action of foreign nations on 

 this subject, while the policy of foreign States rests on 

 ephemeral interests of commerceor of ambition merely. 

 The policy of these United States is not a creature of 

 the Government but an inspiration of the people, while 

 the policies of foreign States are at the choice mainly 

 of the governments presiding over them. If, through 

 error, on whatever side this civil contention shall tran- 

 scend the national bounds and involve foreign States, 

 the energies of all commercial nations, including our 

 own, will necessarily be turned to war, and a general 

 carnival of the adventurous and the reckless of all 

 countries, at the cost of the existing commerce of the 

 world, must ensue. Beyond that painful scene upon 

 the seas there lie, but dimly concealed from our vision, 

 scenes of devastation and desolation which will leave 

 no roots remaining out of which trade between the 

 United States and Great Britain, as it has hitherto 

 flourished, can ever again spring up.0 



The correspondence next enters upon the 

 subject of the adhesion of the United States to 

 the declaration of the Congress of Paris on neu- 

 tral rights. The Government of the United 

 States proposed to accede to this declaration if 

 the proposition of Mr. Marcy could be added 

 thereto. This soon appeared impracticable. 

 It was then proposed by the American Gov- 

 ernment to accede to the declaration of the 

 Paris Congress simply. This was to be accom- 

 plished by the negotiation of a separate conven- 

 tion with each nation represented in the con-' 

 gress. The secondary powers deferred to the 

 action of Great Britain and France. On the 

 18th of July, Lord John Russell wrote to Mr. 

 Adams that 



Her Majesty's Government would deem themselves 

 authorized to advise the Queen to conclude a conven- 

 tion on this subject with the President of the United 

 States so soon as they shall have been informed that 

 a similar convention has been agreed upon, and is 

 ready for signature, between the President of the 

 United States and the Emperor of the French, so that 

 the two conventions might be signed simultaneously 

 aud on the same day. 



Mr. Adams corresponds with Mr. Dayton at 

 Paris, who enters upon the negotiation at that 

 city ; and on the 29th of July writes to Lord 

 John Russell, stating the progress of negotia- 

 tions. To this Lord John Russell replies, and 

 after recapitulating previous statements, says : 



I shall be r.eady to carry on the negotiations as soon 



