317 



ARISTIDES. 



ARISTIDES. 



318 



reverence before it about seven times, and wept from joy ; and as 

 about this time he had gained a naval victory over Antigonua, he said 

 that the day of their arrival should be observed during his life as a 

 holy day, and he invited them to a rich banquet the same day. During 

 eeven days, he entertained them at similar banquets, proposing to 

 them questions which they answered with great wisdom. Three days 

 after these banquets, Demetrius took them to an island, which from 

 the description was Pharos, in the harbour of Alexandria, but the 

 name is not stated in the letter. Here they were lodged all together 

 in a magnificent house, near the shore, far from all noise and tumult. 

 They laboured every day at the translation till the ninth hour, that 

 is, till three o'clock in the afternoon, and they finished their work in 

 seventy-two days. The translation waa made in this manner. The 

 elders consulted together as to the meaning of a passage, and when 

 they had fixed upou the translation, Demetrius wrote it down. When 

 the work was ended, Demetrius summoned the Jews and their heads 

 to the house where the interpreters had lodged, and read to them the 

 translation. They approved of it. Curses were pronounced upon all 

 who should venture to add to or take anything from it. The Jews 

 requested permission of Demetrius to take a copy of the translation. 

 The king received it with reverence, and ordered it to be carefully 

 preserved, and after inviting the interpreters to coine and visit him 

 frequently, he sent them home with ample gifts both for themselves 

 and Eleazar." This is the sum of the story of Aristeas. The letter 

 of Aristeas was first published in the original Greek, with a Latin 

 translation, by Simon Schardius, 8vo., Basle, 1561. The best edition 

 is given by Gallandius, in his ' Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum,' torn. ii. 

 pp. 771-^24. It is founded chiefly on the Oxford edition of 1692, 8vo. ; 

 but Gallandius has also made use of the edition by Fabricius, which 

 is appended to Havercamp's edition of Josephus, and of those by 

 Hody and Van Dale. 



Although the ancient writers derive their account from the letters 

 of Aristeas, they not only differ from him more or less, but they also 

 disagree among themselves. The antiquity of the letter is shown by 

 ita being quoted by Philo and Josephus. Joaephus professes to derive 

 his account from Aristeas, and he has inserted in his ' Jewish Anti- 

 quities,' the various letters which were written on the subject ; but his 

 edition of these documents differs materially from the copy which is 

 found ia the work of Aristeas, as it is now extant. There is no 

 reason to doubt that we have now the original letter ascribed to 

 Aristeas. 



The genuineness and authenticity of this letter were unanimously 

 believed by the ancient Church, nor were they called in question till 

 the 17th century. From this date the general opinion has been that 

 the letter attributed to Aristeas is a forgery, and that it is the work 

 of an Alexandrine Jew, who lived before the time of Christ, aud 

 whose object in forging the letter waa to give authority to the Greek 

 version, which was in use among the Hellenistic Jews. An examina- 

 tion of the Septuagint version is sufficient to show that it was made 

 by different persona, and probably at different times. Even if the 

 story of Aristeas is true, it appears from the letter itself that the Pen- 

 tateuch alone waa translated by order of Ptolemaeus Philadelphua. 

 Josephus expressly declares that ' only the law ' waa translated in the 

 time of Philadelphua, and such was the opinion of the learned in the 

 time of Jerome. (Jerome, ' In Ezec.' v. 12, xvi. 13.) There seems to 

 be no improbability in the atory of the letter, if adopted up to a 

 certain point, that the Pentateuch was translated into Greek by order 

 of Ptolemaaua Philadelphia for his library, and that he invited Jewa 

 from Jurlaja who were learned in Hebrew to assist the Alexandrine 

 Jewa, who knew Greek well, but Hebrew imperfectly. But the com- 

 mon opinion seems now to be that the version of the Pentateuch was 

 marie by the Alexandrine Jews for their own use about B.C. 28.5, 

 during the reign of Ptolemaoua Sotcr. Under any supposition it is 

 probable that this version was called ' the Septuagint,' because it was 

 approved by the Sanhedrim, or council of seventy, of the Alexandrine 

 Jews. The other books of the Old Testament were extant m Greek 

 two centuries before the birth of Christ. The letter of Ariateaa has 

 given rise to a great number of works. 



(Abridged from the Biographical Dictionary of the Society for the 

 Diffuavon of Useful Knowledge.) 



ARISTI'DES, son of Lyaimaehua, a great Athenian statesman and 

 general, who took a leading part in the delivery of Greece from the 

 Persian invasion. He was of the tribe Antiochia, and was born in 

 Alopece, a demos of Attica. Plutarch has given ua little information 

 as to the steps by which Aristides rose to eminence in the state. 

 Several anecdotes illustrative of his probity are told by that amusing, 

 but not very accurate author, which, according to this arrangement 

 of his life, ougtit to have occurred befora the Persian war ; but the 

 date of their occurrence is not fixed, and they contain no distinct 

 mention of Aristides's public employments, except that he waa twice 

 chosen treasurer of the public revenue of Athens. Plutarch further 

 state, that Themistocles and others, whose malpractices he had ex- 

 posed, had influence enough to procure his condemnation on a charge 

 of malversation ; but that, by the exertions of the more virtuous 

 citizens, the fine imposed on him was remitted, and he was again 

 elected to the office of chief treasurer. The first distinct notice which 

 we possess of his public life is, that he waa one of the ten commanders 

 who directed the Athenian army, B.C. 490, upon the occasion of the 



Persian invasion under Datia and Artaphernes. Thia resta on the 

 authority of Plutarch, who ascribes to Aristides the honour of having 

 first yielded hia turn of command to Miltiades, and by hia example 

 and authority having carried the dissentients with him. Plutarch 

 adds, that when the Athenians marched back to their capital in haste, 

 to prevent the flying Persians from making any attempt on it by sea, 

 Aristides was left with the men of his own tribe to guard the valuable 

 spoil of the Persian camp ; being selected for that duty on account of 

 hia incorruptible honesty. It is singular that Herodotus, in his account 

 of the battle (vi. 109), never even mentions Aristides's name, although 

 he elsewhere (viii. 79) bears testimony to him as the " justest and best 

 man in Athens." This silence would lead us to doubt whether Aris- 

 tides did really act so important a part in the action as his biographer 

 would have us believe. That he did distinguish himself is however 

 rendered probable by his having been elected archon ' epcSnymos ' in 

 the following year. (Plut. Arist. c. 5.) 



Of the transactions of his magistracy we have no account. In the 

 sixth year after it (B.C. 483), he waa banished by the process called 

 ' ostracism." A person less deserving of such treatment could hardly 

 have been found ; but the practices of Themistocles prevailed with the 

 suspicious temper of the Athenians, although, according to a story 

 told by Plutarch, the acknowledged probity of Aristides had already 

 acquired for him the appellation of "the Just." In the third year 

 afterwards (B.C. 480), the eventful transactions of the Persian invasion 

 under Xerxes took place. At the battle of Artemisium, Aristidea was 

 still in exile ; but before the battle of Salamis he was recalled, with 

 other exiles. In the night preceding that memorable battle, he passed 

 from the island of ^Egina through the Persian fleet, bearing intel- 

 ligence to his countrymen that they were surrounded, and that flight, 

 which they were then meditating, was no longer possible. (Herod, 

 viii. 79.) Aristideu, at the head of a body of Athenians, lauded on 

 the small island of Psyttaleia, near Salamis, and put to the sword 

 the Persian troops stationed on that island. (Herod, viii. 95 ; Plut. 

 c.9.) 



Before the BSttle of Platsea, fought in September, B.C. 479, he 

 regained more than his former favour with his countrymen. The 

 answer returned to Mardonius's offer of peace and alliance with the 

 Athenians ia said by Plutarch to have been dictated by him : " Tell 

 Mardoniua that the Atheniana say, while the sun goes in the same 

 course as he is now going, we will never make peace with Xerxes ; but 

 we will fight him, trusting in the gods, who light with us, and the 

 heroes, whose temples and statues he, making no account of them, has 

 burnt." (Herod, viii. 143.) Aristides was one of the ambassadors 

 Bent to remonstrate with the Spartans for their tardiness in sending 

 succours to resist the threatened second invasion of Attica by Mar- 

 donius ; and at the battle of Platsoa, contrary to the general usage, 

 he was appointed sole general of the Athenian troops, and signalised 

 his moderation in a dispute with the Tegeatao concerning the right of 

 occupying the left wing of the allied army, the second post in point of 

 honour, the right wing being always held by the Lacedaemonians. 

 After stating the claims of the Athenians to the place of honour, he 

 referred the point to the decision of the Lacedaemonians. The Lace- 

 daemonians answered by acclamation, that the Athenians were more 

 worthy than the Tegeatae to lead the left wing. (Herod, ix. 27.) It is to 

 be observed here (as of the answer returned to Mardoniua), that what 

 Plutarch says of Aristides, Herodotus aaya of the Athenians generally. 

 It may be presumed however that on both occasions the people acted 

 under the guidance of their leader; and that the words so full of 

 wisdom, spirit, and moderation, agreeing so well with the character of 

 Aristides, were really prompted or delivered by him. 



Not long after the restoration of Athens, which had been destroyed 

 by Xerxes and Mardoniua, au important change took place in the 

 constitution : though oppoaed to the principles of those with whom 

 Aristides generally acted, it was supported at least, if not brought for- 

 ward, by him. By Solou's laws, noble descent and a definite amount 

 of property were required as qualifications in candidates for the higher 

 offices. The alteration proposed by Aristides was to the effect that 

 all classes of the citizens should be eligible to the archonship, without 

 regard either to birth or wealth. 



Aristides waa the colleague of Thucydides in an embassy to Sparta, 

 when the Spartan government interfered to prevent the rebuilding of 

 the walls of Athens, destroyed by the Persians. (Thucyd., i. 91.) 

 Cicero relates a atory (' Off./iii. 11), told in a alightly different manner 

 by Plutarch and by Diodorua, that Themistocles, after the end of the 

 war, announced to the assembly of the people that he had a scheme 

 to propose greatly advantageoua to the state, but of such a nature that 

 it could not aafely be made public. Upon this he was desired to 

 communicate it to Aristides, who reported that nothing could be more 

 advantageous, or less honourable ; and the proposal was dropped 

 without further inquiry. The measure proposed, according to Cicero 

 and Valerius Maximus (vi.), was to burn the Lacedccmonian fleet 

 at Gythium ; accprding to Plutarch, to burn the dockyard of the 

 Grecians, by which we suppose the confederate fleet was meant. It is 

 difficult to conceive how either measure could be reconciled with 

 sound policy, any more than with justice. 



In B.C. 477 the unpopularity of the Lacedaemonians, especially of the 

 commander-in-chief Pausanias, induced the Ionian Greeks to decline 

 serving under him. They offered the command of the confederacy to 



