895 



TALLEYRAND-PERIGORD, CHARLES. 



TALLEYRAND-PERIGORD, CHARLES. 



tec 



original of his published writings, but as those which are most indis- 

 putably his own. The first of these is entitled 'Essai sur les 

 Advantages & retirer de Colonies Nouvelles dans lea Circonstances 

 prdsenteB ; ' the second, ' Mdmoires sur les relations Commerciales des 

 Etats-Unis avec 1'Angleterre.' The latter is, properly speaking, a 

 supplement perhaps rather a ' piece justificative ' appended to the 

 other. The great object of both is to point out the importance of 

 colonies to a country like France, in which the revolutionary fervour, 

 though beginning to burn dim, was still sufficiently powerful to 

 prolong the reign of anarchy and suffering, unless measures were 

 adopted to neutralise it. There can be no mistake as to the views 

 being those of M. de Talleyrand himself. They are such as could 

 only occur to a person entertaining the political opinions he had 

 advocated in the Constituent Assembly, who having been exiled by 

 the 'reign of terror' which decimated his countrymen, was living in a 

 country where a successful revolution had quietly and speedily sub- 

 sided into a settled form of government ; in a country where he folt 

 that " an Englishman at once becomes a native, and a Frenchman 

 remains for ever a foreigner." Not satisfied with pointing out in what 

 manner colonies might be rendered powerful assistants in tranquillising 

 France, the essayist entered deeply into the principles of colonisation, 

 explaining the advantages to be derived from colonies, and the law by 

 which their economical advantages might be perpetuated even after 

 their political relations with the mother-country had ceased. In his 

 treatment of his subject he evinces a clear and deep insight into the 

 structure of society both in France and America, and just and 

 extensive views in political economy. 



It was not however so much the political talent displayed in these 

 essays, as M. de Talleyrand's skill in employing the reviving influence 

 of the salons of Paris, that obtained him the appointment of foreign 

 minister under the Directory. Here again he was indebted to Madame 

 de Stae'l, who assisted him through her influence with Barras. M. de 

 Talleyrand accepted office under this unprincipled government with a 

 perfect knowledge of its character and its weakness. His conviction 

 that a Frenchman could never feel at home in America prompted him 

 to grasp at the first opportunity of returning to his native country : 

 his shattered fortune and taste for expensive luxuries rendered 

 employment necessaiy for him, and political business was the only 

 lucrative employment for which he was qualified. There is nothing 

 in his life to contradict the belief that he again engaged in politics 

 with a desire to promote what was right and useful as far as he could ; 

 but he engaged in them aware that he might be ordered to do what he 

 disapproved of, and prepared to do it, under the plea that his functions 

 were merely ministerial, and that the responsibility rested upon his 

 employers. His position under the Directory was consequently an 

 equivocal one. He was engaged, so long as he occupied it, in intrigues 

 which had for their aim the maintenance of himself in office, even if 

 his employers should be turned out; and he was obliged to do their 

 dirty work. The part which he took in the attempt to extort money, 

 .13 a private gratification, from the American envoys which arrived in 

 Paris in October 1797, was probably forced upon him by the directors : 

 had it been his own project, it would have been conceived with more 

 judgment, and the Americans would not have been driven to extremes, 

 for he understood their national character. But allowing himself to 

 be used in such a shabby business betrays a want of self-respect, or a 

 vulgarity of sentiment, or both. Ho had his reward; for when 

 public indignation was excited by the statements of the American 

 envoys, the minister of foreign affairs was sacrificed to the popular 

 resentment. 



Having adopted a profession in which success could only be 

 expected under a settled government, believing a monarchical govern- 

 ment to be the only one which could give tranquillity to his country, 

 and anxious with many others to run up a make-shift government out 

 of the best materials that offered, he naturally attached himself to the 

 growing power of Bonaparte. When the future emperor returned 

 from Egypt, M. de Talleyrand had been six months in a private 

 Btation; though, had he still retained office, he might with equal 

 readiness have conspired to overturn the Directory. Bourrienne is not 

 the best of authorities, but the earlier volumes of the memoirs which 

 pass under his name are less falsified than the later ; and an anecdote 

 which he relates of Talleyrand's interview with the first consul, after 

 being reappointed minister of foreign affairs, is so characteristic, that 

 its truth is highly probable: "M. de Talleyrand, appointed successor 

 to M. de Reinhart at the same time that Cambaceres and Lebrun 

 succeeded Sieyes and Roger Ducas as consuls, was admitted to a 

 private audience by the first consul. The speech which he addressed 

 to Bonaparte was so gratifying to the person to whom it was addressed, 

 and appeared so striking to myself, that the words have remained in 

 my memory : ' Citizen Consul, you have confided to me the depart- 

 ment of foreign affairs, and I will justify your confidence; but I must 

 work under no one but yourself. This is not mere arrogance on my 

 part : in order that France be well governed, unity of action is 

 required : you must be first consul, and the first consul must hold in 

 his hand all the main-springs of the political machine the ministries 

 of the interior, of internal police, of foreign affairs, of war, and the 

 marine. The ministers of these departments must transact business 

 with you alone. The ministries of justice and finance have, without 

 doubt, a powerful influence upon politics; but it is more indirect 



The second consul is an able jurist, and the third a master of finance : 

 leave these departments to them ; it will arnu.-e them ; and you, 

 general, having the entire management of the essential parts of govern- 

 ment, may pursue without interruption your noble object, the regene- 

 ration of France.' These words accorded too closely with the 

 sentiments of Bonaparte to be heard by him otherwise than with 

 pleasure. He said to me, after M. de Talleyrand had taken hLs leave, 

 'Do you know, Bourrienne, Talleyrand's advice is sound. 'He is 

 a man of sense.' He then added smilingly : ' Talleyrand is a 

 dexterous fellow : he has seen through me. You know I wish to do 

 what he advises; and he is in the right. Lebrun is an honest man, 

 but a mere book-maker ; Cambaceres is too much identified with the 

 Revolution : my government must be something entirely new.' " 



Napoleon and Talleyrand maybe said to have understood each other, 

 and that in a sense not discreditable to either. The good sense of both 

 was revolted by the bloodshed and theatrical sentiment, the blended 

 ferocity and coxcombry of the Revolution ; both were practical states- 

 men, men with a taste and talent for administration, not mere constitu- 

 tion-makers. Like most men of action, neither of them could discern 

 to the full extent the advantage an executive government can 

 derive from having the line of action to a considerable extent pre- 

 scribed by a constitution ; but Talleyrand saw better than Napoleon 

 that the laws which protect subjects by limiting the arbitrary will of 

 the ruler, in turn protect him by teaching them legitimate methods of 

 defending their rights. In another respect they resembled each other 

 neither was remarkably scrupulous as to the means by which he 

 attained his ends ; though this laxity of moral sentiment was kept in 

 check by the natural humanity of both. Their very points of difference 

 were calculated to cement their union. Each of these men felt that 

 the other was a supplement to himself. Talleyrand really admired 

 and appreciated Napoleon. If he flattered him, it was by the delicate 

 method of confirming him. in the opinions and intentions which met 

 his approbation. He dared to tell the first consul truths which 

 others were afraid to utter ; and he ventured to arrest at times the 

 impetuosity of Napoleon, by postponing the fulfilment of his orders 

 until he had time to cool. Napoleon's frequent recurrence, in his 

 conversations at St. Helena, to the subject of Talleyrand's defection, 

 his attempts to solve the question at what time that minister " began 

 to betray him," show his appreciation of the services he had received 

 from him. For a time their alliance continued harmonious, and that 

 was the time of Napoleon's success. The arrangement of the Con- 

 cordat with the pope was the basis of the future empire, and that 

 negociation was accomplished by Talleyrand. The treaty of Luueville, 

 secularising the ecclesiastical principalities of Germany ; the treaty of 

 Amiens, recognising on the part of England the conquests of France, 

 and the new form given to the Continental states by the Revolution ; 

 the convention of Lyon, which gave form to the Cisalpine republic ; 

 all bear the impress of the peculiar views of M. de Talleyrand. And 

 the minister of foreign affairs was fully aware of his own consequence. 

 In 1801, when obliged by the state of his health to use the waters of 

 Bourbon 1'Archambaud, he wrote to Napoleon : "I regret being at a 

 distance from you, for my devotion to your great plans contributes to 

 their accomplishment." After the battle of Ulm, Talleyrand addressed 

 to the emperor a plan for diminishing the power of Austria to interfere 

 with the preponderance of France, by uniting Tyrol to the Helvetian 

 republic, and erecting the Venetian territory into an independent 

 republic interposed between the kingdom of Italy and the Austrian 

 territories. He proposed to reconcile Austria to this arrangement by 

 ceding to it the whole of Wallachia, Moldavia, Bessarabia, and the 

 northern part of Bulgaria. The advantages he anticipated from this 

 arrangement were that of removing Austria from interfering in tho 

 sphere of French influence without exasperating it, and that of raising 

 in the East a power better able than Turkey to hold a balance with 

 Russia. Napoleon paid no attention to the proposal After the 

 victory of Austerlitz, Talleyrand again pressed it upon his notice, but 

 equally without effect. No change in the feelings of the emperor and 

 his minister can positively be traced to this event ; but we see on the 

 one hand a pertinacious repetition of a favourite proposal, and on tho 

 other a silent and rather contemptuous rejection of it. We find at a 

 much later period Napoleon complaining of the pertinacity with which 

 Talleyrand was accustomed to repeat any advice which he considered 

 important ; and we find Talleyrand speaking of Napoleon as one who 

 could not be served because he would not listen to advice. And wo 

 cannot but see in the difference of opinion just mentioned the com- 

 mencement of that coolness which induced Talleyrand, on the 9th of 

 August 1807 to resign the portfolio of foreign affairs and accept the 

 nominal dignity of vice-grand-clector of the empire in addition to the 

 titles of grand-chamberlain and prince of Benevento, which had pre- 

 viously been conferred upon him. An unprecedented career of victory 

 had rendered Napoleon impatient of success; the consciousness of 

 important services had rendered Talleyrand impatient of neglect ; and 

 the alienation thus originated was increased and confirmed by the 

 dashing but vulgar soldiers, who formed such au influential part of the 

 emperor's court, and their silly and vulgar wives, who could not 

 pardon M. de Talleyrand his superior refinement, and who had all iu 

 turn smarted under his insupportable sarcasm. Napoleon in exile is 

 said to have represented the resignation of M. de Talleyrand as in- 

 voluntary, and rendered necessary by his stock-jobbing propensities. 



