647 



WASHINGTON, GEORGE. 



WASHINGTON, GEORGE. 



648 



Federalist party. Washington endeavoured to reconcile these ardent 

 and incompatible spirits. His own views were more in accordance 

 with those of Hamilton ; but he knew Jefferson's value as a statesman, 

 and he felt the importance of the president remaining independent of 

 either party. The two secretaries however continued to diverge in 

 their political course, and ultimately their differences settled into 

 personal enmity. 



The president's term of office was drawing to a close, and an anxious 

 wish began to prevail that he should allow himself to be elected for a 

 second term. Jefferson, Hamilton, and Randolph, who did not exactly 

 coincide with either, all shared in this anxiety, and each wrote a long 

 letter to Washington, assigning reasons for his allowing himself to be 

 re-elected. He yielded ; and on the 4th of March 1793 he took the 

 oath of office in the senate-chamber. 



The first question that came before the cabinet after the re-election 

 rendered more decided the differences which already existed. The 

 European parties, of which the court of St. James's and the French 

 republic were the representatives, were eager to draw the United 

 States into the vortex of their struggle. The president and his cabinet 

 were unanimous in their determination to preserve neutrality ; but 

 the aristocratic and democratic sections of the cabinet could not 

 refrain from displaying their respective biases and their jealousy of 

 each other. It having been agreed to receive a minister from the 

 French republic, Hamilton and Knox advocated a qualification in the 

 terms, implying that the relations of the two countries were altered ; 

 Jefferson and Randolph opposed it. The proclamation of neutrality 

 was published on the 22nd of April 1793. 



This wise act was bitterly assailed by the partisans of France. 

 Foreign affairs were mingled with domestic politics, and the Democra- 

 tic and Federalist parties became avowedly organised. Washington 

 was for a time allowed to keep aloof from the contest not for a long 

 time. Genet, the French minister, gave orders to fit out privateers at 

 Charleston to commit hostilities against the commerce of nations at 

 peace with America. The government of the United States issued in 

 August a declaration that no privateers fitted out in this manner should 

 find refuge in their harbours. In June, and again ih November, the 

 British cabinet issued orders to their cruisers to stop and make prize 

 of all vessels laden with provisions for any parts of France or the 

 French colonies. A report was made by the secretary of state near 

 the beginning of the session of 17934 respecting the commercial inter- 

 course of the United States with other countries. Two methods 

 were proposed for modifying or removing restrictions : first, by 

 amicable arrangements with foreign powers; second, by countervailing 

 acts of the legislature. Soon aft^r the secretary of state resigned, 

 and was succeeded by Randolph. Mr. Jefferson's report gave rise 

 to Mr. Madison's celebrated commercial resolutions. In them the 

 friends of the administration from which Jefferson had seceded 

 imagined they saw hostility to England and under-favour to France. 

 The opposite party deemed them no more than necessary for the pro- 

 tection of the country. Mr. Madison's plan, with some modifications, 

 passed the House of Representatives, but was rejected in the Senate 

 by the casting vote of the vice-president. 



A circumstance insignificant in itself increased the bitterness of the 

 contest out of doors. Democratic societies had been formed on the 

 model of the Jacobin clubs of France. Washington regarded them 

 with alarm, and the unmeasured expression of his sentiments on this 

 head subjected him to a share in the attacks made upon the party 

 accused of undue fondness for England and English institutions. 



Advices from tbe American minister in London representing that 

 the British cabinet was disposed to settle the differences between the 

 two countries amicably, Washington nominated Mr. Jay to the Senate 

 as envoy -extraordinary to the court of Great Britain. The nomination, 

 though strenuously opposed by the democratic party, was confirmed in 

 the Senate by a majority of two to one. The treaty negociated by 

 Jay was received at the seat of government in March, 1795, soon after 

 the session of Congress closed. The president summoned the Senate 

 to meet in June to ratify it. The treaty was ratified. Before the 

 treaty was signed by the president it was surreptitiously published. 

 It was vehemently condemned, and public meetings against it were 

 held to intimidate the executive. The president nevertheless signed 

 the treaty on the 18th of August. When Congress met in March, 

 1796, a resolution was carried by a large majority in the House of 

 Representatives, requesting the president to lay before the house the 

 instructions to Mr. Jay, the correspondence, and other documents 

 relating to the negociation. Washington declined to furnish the 

 papers; a vehement debate ensued; but in the end the majority 

 hostile to the treaty yielded to the exigency of the case, and united in 

 passing laws for its fulfilment. 



The two houses of Congress met again in December. Washington 

 had published on the 15th of September his farewell address to the 

 United States. He now delivered his last speech to Congress, and 

 took occasion to urge upon that body the gradual increase of the 

 navy, a provision for the encouragement of agriculture and manufac- 

 tures, the establishment of a national university, and of a military 

 academy. Little was done during the session : public attention was 

 engrossed by the president's election. Adams, the federalist candidate, 

 Lad tbe highest number of voters ; Jefferson, the democratic candi- 

 date (who was consequently declared vice-president), the next. Wash- 



ington's commanding character and isolation from party had preserved 

 this degree of strength to the holders of his own political views ; his 

 successor Adams being a party man, by his injudicious identification 

 of himself with the federalists turned the scale in favour of the demo- 

 crats. Washington was present as a spectator at the installation of 

 his successor, and immediately afterwards returned to Mount Vernon. 



He survived till the 14th of December 1799, but, except when sum- 

 moned in May 1798, to take the command of the provincial army on the 

 prospect of a war with France, did not again engage in public business. 



The character of Washington is one of simple and substantial great- 

 ness. His passions were vehement, but concentrated, and thoroughly 

 under control. An irresistible strength of will was the secret of his 

 power. Luckily for his country this strong will was combined with a 

 singularly well-balanced mind, with much sagacity, much benevolence, 

 much love of justice. Without possessing a spark of what may be called 

 genius, Washington was endowed with a rare quickness of perception 

 and soundness of judgment, and an eager desire of knowledge. His 

 extremely methodical habits, which in a person engaged in less 

 important matters would have almost appeared ridiculous, enabled 

 him to find time for everything, and were linked with a talent for 

 organisation. During the War of Independence he was the defensive 

 force of America : wanting him, it would almost appear as if the 

 democratic mass must have resolved itself into its elements. To 

 place Washington as a warrior on a footing with the Caesars, Xapo- 

 leons, and Wellingtons, would be absurd. He lost more battles than 

 ever he gained, and he lost them from defective strategy. But he 

 kept an army together and kept up resistance to the enemy under 

 more adverse circumstances than any other general ever did. His 

 services as a statesman were pretty similar in kind. He upheld the 

 organisation of the American state during the first eight years of its 

 existence, amid the storms of Jacobinical controversy, and gave it 

 time to consolidate. No other American but himself could have done 

 this : for of all the American leaders, he was the only one of whom 

 men felt that he differed from themselves. The rest were soldiers or 

 civilians, federalists or democrats, but he was Washington. The awe 

 and reverence felt for him was blended with affection for his kindly 

 qualities, and except for a brief period towards the close of his second 

 presidential term, there has been but one sentiment entertained 

 towards him throughout the Union that of reverential love. He is 

 one of those rare natures whom greatness followed without his 

 appearing to seek for it. 



Jefferson's sketch of Washington's character, quoted by Tucker, 

 with the remark that it "has every appearance of candour, as it 

 praises without extravagance, qualifies its commendations with caution 

 and moderation, and does not blame at all," is valuable as coming 

 from one who long enjoyed opportunities of close personal observation, 

 was a shrewd judge of character, and the leader of the party opposed 

 to Washington's general policy. It is as follows : 



" His mind was great and powerful, without being of the very first 

 order; his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of a 

 Newton, Bacon, or Locke, and, as far as he saw, no judgment was ever 

 sounder. It was slow in operation, being little aided by invention or 

 imagination, but sure in conclusion. Hence the common remark of 

 his officers, of the advantage he derived from councils of war, where 

 hearing all suggestions, he selected whatever was best ; and certainly 

 no general ever planned his battles more judiciously. But if deranged 

 during the course of action, if any member of his plan was dislocated 

 by sudden circumstances, he was slow in a re-adjustment. The con- 

 sequence was, that he often failed in the field, and rarely against an 

 enemy in station, as at Boston and York. He was incapable of fear, 

 meeting personal dangers with the calmest unconcern. Perhaps the 

 strongest feature in his character was prudence, never acting until 

 every circumstance, every consideration was maturely weighed ; re- 

 fraining, if he saw a doubt, but when once decided, going through 

 with his purpose, whatever obstacles opposed. His integrity was the 

 most pure, his justice the most inflexible I have ever known; no 

 motives of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being 

 able to bias his decision. He was indeed in every sense of the word a 

 wise, a good, and a great man. His temper was naturally irritable 

 and high-toned : but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and 

 habitual ascendancy over it. If ever however it broke its bonds, he 

 was most tremendous in his wrath. In his expenses he was honour- 

 able, but exact; liberal in contributions to whatever promised 

 utility; but frowning and unyielding to all visionary projects, and all 

 unworthy calls on his charity. His heart was not warm in its 

 affections : but he exactly calculated every man's value, and gave him 

 a solid esteem proportioned to it. Hia person was fine, his stature 

 exactly what one would wish ; his deportment easy, erect, and noble : 

 the best horseman of his age, and the most graceful figure that could 

 be seen on horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where he 

 might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation, 

 his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither 

 copiousness of ideas nor fluency of words. In public, when called on 

 for a sudden opinion, he was unready, short, and embarrassed. Yet 

 he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. 

 This he had acquired by conversation and the world, for his education 

 was merely reading, writing, and common arithmetic, to which he 

 added surveying. His time was employed in action chiefly, reading 



