BALKAN CRISIS OF 1912 5 



no other course was open than some immediate action, which would once for all secure 

 for Italy what had long been understood to be her special preserve, without offering any 

 formal opportunity for a split within the Triple Alliance itself. If the moment had come 

 in any case, for some other Power than Turkey to become master of Tripoli, the whole 

 case against Italy, from the point of view of the public law of Europe, as presented by 

 the contemporary critics who accused her of wantonly breaking the peace without ade- 

 quate cause, would fall to the ground. The situation in September 1911 was in that 

 case one of deep concern for Italy, her relations with the Triple Alliance being complicat- 

 ed by the necessities of her own Mediterranean policy; she acted swiftly and finally, and 

 as matters turned out with entire success. 



To what extent the actual possession of Tripoli and Cyrenaica, with a somewhat 

 undefined hinterland of uncertain value, may prove a remunerative addition to Italian 

 territory, has yet to be discovered; the substitution of Italian for Turkish sovereignty 

 however can only be regarded, on the merits, with satisfaction from the point of view of 

 the world's progress. The course of the military operations is dealt with elsewhere in 

 the YEAR-BOOK, but one particular aspect of the war may be emphasized here. It put 

 Italy in a position of considerably increased strength as a factor in international politics. 

 One-sided as the war was, it provided an opportunity for testing the Italian military and 

 naval resources and giving both army and navy practice and experience under service 

 conditions, the importance of which can hardly be exaggerated. Instead of being the 

 weak member of the Triple Alliance, Italy at the end of 1912 was full of a new conscious- 

 ness of national vigour and efficiency, the effect of which on the balance of power in 

 Europe was not likely to be to her disadvantage. 



THE BALKAN STATES AND TURKEY 



After a protracted period of tension over the Macedonian question (see E. B. xvii, 

 221, 222), the long expected crisis between the Balkan States and Turkey reached an 

 acute stage at the opening of October 1912. In the early summer Bulgaria, Servia, 

 Montenegro and Greece had come to a definite agreement for co-operating as a league in 

 a common policy, not merely for securing from Turkey the long promised " reforms " 

 in Macedonia and enforcing the old stipulations of the Berlin Treaty, but for obtaining 

 a real autonomy for Turkey's European provinces with their Ghristian inhabitants. 

 The insurrection in Albania had for some time been creating trouble; and in August 

 fresh exasperation was eaused by Turkish massacres of Bulgarians at Kotchana and of 

 Serbs at Berane, so that throughout the Balkan States public opinion became hot for 

 action. The governments of Bulgaria, Servia, Montenegro and Greece now prepared 

 to deliver an ultimatum insisting on their demands, and for this purpose started mobilis- 

 ing their forces on September 3oth. Turkey replied with similar measures, and for 

 some days it was uncertain whether war could be averted, while the Great Powers, 

 and especially Russia and Austria, strove for peace by diplomatic pressure on Turkey. 



On behalf of Austria-Hungary Count Berchtold had only recently been trying to set 

 the Powers in motion once more for a common policy in Macedonia, and now they hasti- 

 ly entered into communication, under the lead of France, to devise some formula which 

 would satisfy the Balkan League without either creating differences between themselves 

 or making concessions too difficult for Turkey. The Porte, tardily recognising the 

 necessity of doing something, made it known that it was prepared to give effect to the 

 abortive " Law of the Vilayets " drawn up in 1880; and it was arranged by the Powers 

 that a Joint Note should be presented to Turkey, inviting the immediate discussion of 

 reforms, coupled with the intimation that no breach of the territorial integrity of the 

 Ottoman Empire was proposed. At the same time it was left to Austria and Russia 

 jointly, on behalf of Europe, to urge patience on the Balkan League by assurances that 

 reforms would be instituted. The Balkan Allies, however, wanted more than that. 

 They stipulated, not only that the Powers should guarantee Macedonian autonomy, 

 but that they themselves should be included with the Powers as its administrators; and 

 though on October loth the Collective Note was duly presented to Turkey, the situation 



