490 ENGLISH POLITICAL HISTORY 



could be modified or dropped, whether the idea of a Referendum should be persisted in, 

 was debated in some quarters, according to varieties of opinion on electioneering tactics; 

 but it was sufficient for the moment for those Unionist politicians who had opposed it 

 altogether, or still wavered as to details, to wait events. The solidarity of the party in 

 opposition, in the immediate crisis, was of more immediate importance. On the other 

 hand, while recognising this fact, the convinced Tariff Reformers were satisfied, from 

 their point of view, with the progress of their movement. The party leaders and the 

 party organisation were now identified with the whole policy, and its acceptance by 

 Unionist candidates was therefore a matter of party loyalty. In the constituencies it 

 was making continued headway, the winning back of eight seats in Lancashire at the 

 general election indicating that an impression was being made on the industrial North 

 of England. Above all, the general idea inspiring Mr. Joseph Chamberlain's proposals, 

 the federalisation of the British Empire and its closer union for fiscal as well as other 

 purposes, was taking more definite shape in the common political consciousness. 

 While a protective national economic policy was advocated by the Tariff Reformers 

 as an essential condition of the improvement of industrial and social conditions at home, 

 and on those lines they were prepared to go considerable lengths to meet the demands 

 of Labour, its most active supporters had always in their mind its bearing on the 

 policy of Imperialism. Faced with the inevitability of large constitutional and social 

 reforms, a new constructive spirit had come to dominate the party, changing the whole 

 outlook for democratic Conservatism, under the guidance of this vision of systematised 

 Imperial unity. Fighting as they must to defeat the Coalition Government if possible, 

 in order to preserve the integrity of the Imperial Parliament, menaced by Irish Home 

 Rule, and the check of an effective Second Chamber upon Radical-Socialist legislation, 

 put in jeopardy by the Parliament Bill, the most influential Unionist politicians and 

 publicists were looking anxiously to the wider Imperial issues beyond the solution of 

 immediate domestic problems. It would be unjust to the more Imperially minded 

 individuals on the Liberal side to claim a monopoly in this respect for the Tariff Reform 

 Unionists, but Liberal and Labour politicians and publicists were naturally engrossed 

 with the purely domestic issues represented in their own party programmes. It was the 

 predominant characteristic of all the Unionist activity, both at this stage and after- 

 wards, that it centred round the Imperialist policy which was the end in view. The 

 immediate danger to the cause of Imperial commercial unity which was threatened by 

 the reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United States was therefore a matter 

 of special concern, hailed as it was on the Liberal side as according with the Free-Trade 

 fiscal policy. Grave as the position was for Conservatism and Unionism in English 

 parliamentary politics, in Imperial politics as viewed by supporters of Tariff Reform and 

 Colonial Preference this seemed even a more momentous development. Meanwhile 

 hopes were still entertained that, either by agreement between the parties or through 

 the failure of the Ministry to obtain the King's consent to actual coercion of the House 

 of Lords, the immediate constitutional crisis might be solved or the Government forced 

 to resign or once more dissolve in circumstances more favourable than before to a 

 Unionist success at the polls. After the last two elections further defence of an unre- 

 formed House of Lords was out of the question. 



It was clear from the first that the Government could rely on the support of the 

 Irish Nationalist party. The passing of the Parliament Bill was an essential prelim- 

 The position marv to tne successful accomplishment of Home Rule, and it had been Mr. 

 of the Redmond's policy ever since the elections of January 1910 to press the de- 



aoverament. struct j on o f t h e peers' veto to its final issue for that purpose. The only 

 doubtful element in the coalition was the Labour party, 1 whose parliamentary independ- 

 ence partly as directly representing the Socialist movement, partly as representing 

 the economic policy of the trade unions, and partly as advocating equally against 

 Tory or Liberal " capitalists " and against the whole public of " consumers " the claims 

 of the wage-earning classes as such, was shown in the promotion of third-party candi- 



1 See E. B. xvi, 28. 



