IOI 8 GERMANY 



professors of Catholic faculties, promising that they would remain faithful to the 

 doctrines of the Church, bitter feelings were stirred anew. On March 7, 1912 the 

 question was even discussed in the Prussian Diet, and the Chancellor tried to steer 

 clear between Protestant opinion and the feelings of the Centre. He pointed out 

 that after representations made at Rome, the Pope had agreed to deal leniently with 

 priests who had refused to take the oath. Yet the State would have to guard itself, 

 and therefore in making appointments it would be compelled to limit its choice to those 

 who had abstained from the oath. 



All this was hardly conducive to an amicable continuance of joint action between 

 the ultramontane party and the Conservatives. It was the opportunity of the parties 



of the Left. The Liberals had strengthened their position immensely 

 soUdaftoa' by the fusion (March 6, 1910) of their three wings (Freisinnige Volks- 



partei, Freisinnige Vereinigung and Deutsche Volkspartei) into one strong 

 body, the Deutsche Freisinnige Volkspartei. As for the Social Democrats, they gained 

 most. Of the thirteen by-elections in 1910 they won six, thus increasing their strength 

 in the House to fifty-two. These election successes augured well for the future. But 

 apart from that they were gaining support in all directions by organising mass meet- 

 ings to give expression to the general discontent. The street riots in the Moabit quarter 

 of Berlin (September 24-28, 1910) added fuel to the flame. In themselves the incidents 

 would have been of scarcely any importance, but the severity of the police (who in 

 their attacks on the rioters also wounded four English and American journalists) 

 called forth loud protests, and the Social Democrats made the most of them. 



Yet while .the party was gaining in strength its councils were divided. Should 

 socialist deputies vote for the budgets of non-socialist governments? that was the 



question which produced a cleavage in their ranks. Nor was it merely 

 Democrats. f academic interest. It was a matter of practical politics. The South 



German (Revisionist) wing of the party favoured joint action with the 

 Liberals wherever it was thereby possible to achieve some tangible result. In this 

 spirit the Socialist members of the Baden Diet had voted for the budget. The party 

 in Baden approved their action. But the whole of the German party at its annual 

 congress at Magdeburg (September 18-24, I 9 I ) expressed its displeasure with the 

 Baden Socialist deputies, whereupon the South Germans withdrew from the congress. 



But it would be a mistake to exaggerate the internal differences in the 

 v?Mafxiaas. party, which are really of a more or less theoretic nature. The Revision- 

 ists certainly stand opposed to the Marxians, but in practical politics 

 the Social Democrats present a united front. The Reichstag elections of 1912 no less 

 than the party congress at Chemnitz (September 15-21, 1912) bore eloquent testi- 

 mony to the non-existence of real sectionalism which cuts at the root of things. 



The coming elections, perhaps the most important in the history of the German 

 Empire, dominated domestic politics throughout 1912, and all parties made their 

 preparations accordingly. The excitement seemed to affect the Reichstag itself, 

 which, contrary to its usual methods, worked with such speed that it was able to pass 

 into law a new constitution for Alsace-Lorraine, the codification of the insurance laws 

 and the introduction of shipping dues. The Bill granting a new constitution to the 



conquered provinces was at last approved by the Federal Council in 

 Lorni'm December 1910 and introduced into the House early in the following year. 

 .institution. Its final form differed in many respects from the original draft. For the 



Imperial Government, while willing to grant a new constitution to Alsace- 

 Lorraine, was particularly anxious to safeguard the status quo in the relationship be- 

 tween the states of the Empire. Accordingly the new state was given no effective 

 influence in the Federal Council. Representatives there were indeed provided for, 

 but they had no voting power. It was principally against this provision that the 

 Social Democrats organised protest meetings in all parts of Alsace-Lorraine; and in 

 the Reichstag there was also strong feeling against the exclusion. On the first reading 

 of the Bill (January 26, 1911) the Centre, the Liberals and the Social Democrats were 



