CONSTITUTION OF SOCIETY. 



of individual enterprise is most advantageous on these burgher communities defied the nobles, and 



the whole, and must therefore be carefully pre- 

 served as the basis of civil society. By holding out 



sided with the king. Sometimes the barons sided 

 with the burghers, and to no historical individual 



a premium for diligence, it induces mental culture j do the commons probably owe so much as to 

 and exercise, and affords all an equal opportunity : Simon de Montfort, Earl of Leicester, who, in the 

 of distinguishing themselves. It likewise ought to j reign of Henry III. and in the year 1265, ordered 

 point out the duty of establishing systems of uni- \ writs to be issued for the return of two citizens or 

 versal education, by which we should be assured | burgesses, to represent every city or borough in 

 that every one at least possessed the elements of the kingdom in parliament From this time, the 

 instruction and opportunities of self-advancement, feudal principle declined, serfs were gradually 

 With respect to those who, from absolute in- emancipated, and ultimately every man wa? 

 capacity, and other unavoidable circumstances, j declared to be equal in the eye of the law. 

 become poor, it is now a generally settled prin- It is necessary to be thus particular, for a notion 

 ciple that they have a claim in law, as well as on prevails among the humbler classes that they 

 principles of humanity, for support from their have been deprived of rights enjoyed by their 

 more fortunate fellow-creatures. j ancestors. History most explicitly shews that, 



The organisation of civil society, though possess- in early times, the peasantry and operative bodies 



ing a general resemblance, differs in a few par- 

 ticulars in every country. The chief difference 

 consists in the diffusion of privileges. To under- 

 stand distinctions of this nature, it is necessary to 

 peruse a course of history, ancient and modern. 



possessed no privileges whatever. Magna Charta 

 does not so much as mention them. Society, in 

 fact, has been quite a progressive development. 

 Little by little, privileges have been widened in 

 behalf of the citizen class, though by no means 



Little can be learned from looking at the present j always by their own efforts, and if they continue 

 aspects of things ; we require to search the records to deserve them, there can be no doubt that they 

 of human progress for the origin of almost every j will go on ^widening as circumstances render it 

 institution, as well as for the philosophy which 

 may be drawn from it 



Throughout Europe, society has generally arisen 

 from similar circumstances. The rudimental germ 

 of every state was a handful of adventurers, who, 



desirable. Doubtless, it may be alleged that all 

 men are equal, and deserve to possess equal 

 privileges ; but to this assertion, contradicted as 

 it is by the most ordinary observation and the 

 most elementary common-sense, there are, as to 



by military prowess, made themselves masters of ! all other false principles, practical as well as 



the country. The leading men in such enterprises 

 were chiefs with retainers. The principal chief 

 became king ; the chiefs assumed the character of 

 an aristocracy; and the retainers, with the in- 

 habitants whom they helped to subdue, from 

 being at first serfs, finally attained the rank of 

 freemen. It was long, however, before this latter 

 result was achieved. For many ages, the chiefs or 

 nobles holding lands by a military tenure from the 

 sovereign, formed a feudal aristocracy, by whom 

 in reality the whole system of government was 

 conducted. The idea of imparting privileges to 

 the common people, though recognised by the j 

 oldest institutions of the Teutonic races, was long 

 in attaining practical efficacy not only because 

 the nobles needed vassals to execute their will, 

 but because the humbler classes had really no 

 means of an independent existence. (See HISTORY 

 OF THE MIDDLE AGES.) 



The original source of the political franchises of 

 this country is the Crown. From having been 

 companions and assistants of the sovereign, the 

 principal barons were constantly encroaching on 

 his prerogatives. Sometimes the concessions of 

 the crown, as those of Magna Charta, made by 

 King John, were necessary and desirable ; but 

 more frequently the nobles were inclined to exact 

 so much power in the state as would have 

 rendered the king's authority a nonentity. The 



theoretical objections, which will always defeat 

 the objects of those by whom it is made." Its 

 realisation as the basis of society, would demand, 

 as we have seen, a reversal of the laws of nature, 

 and may safely be pronounced to be impossible, 

 however great may be the confusion produced by 

 such attempts to realise it as those which we have 

 so often witnessed in France. Equality before 

 the law that is, the equal right of every man to be 

 valued at what he is worth, not in his own eyes, 

 but in the eyes of his fellow-citizens is the only 

 form of equality that is either just or attainable. 

 If a man is dissatisfied with his position, it is he 

 himself that must improve it by his own industry, 

 intelligence, and frugality. The law cannot make 

 him better than he makes himself. These are 

 assertions apart from all party creeds, which lie at 

 the root of political philosophy, and which the 

 simplest citizen may substantiate by his own 

 experience and reflection. Meanwhile, we desire 

 to fix attention on the vast impulse given to 

 civilisation by the erection of cities. 



CITIES. 



It is to cities or large towns 



that mankind 



chiefly owe the blessings of civilisation and the 

 valuable institutions which they now enjoy. With 

 cities, everything that is great and glorious arts, 



danger of these encroachments caused the monarch ' science, literature began, and after beginning, 

 to seek aid from the commons. With the view, was duly fostered. Through their means, civil 

 therefore, of raising up a means of protection in ' society began to assume a more systematic char- 

 this quarter, he encouraged the building of cities, i acter. The division of labour, the refinements of 

 to whose inhabitants he gave certain important j social intercourse, the development of laws caused 

 privileges. The civic corporations, therefore, ! by the conflicting interests of many people living 

 which in the older European cities continued to closely together, the idea of equality before the 

 represent the Roman munitipia, must be viewed law, the growth of patriotism, springing from th 

 as the cradle of freedom. From them sprung sense of advantages enjoyed, and the exertions 

 much of the present constitution of society. Rely- necessary to maintain them, were the salutary 

 ing on their privileges, and surrounded by walls, consequences of the establishment of cities. 



