CARTHAGE. 



Colonies. 



Carthage, world. Their skill in the management of commer- 

 cial affairs is evinced by the account which Herodo- 

 tus gives of their mode of barter with the Libyans, 

 which was conducted with the greatest delicacy, and 

 the most scrupulous honesty. (Herod, bookiv.) 



The colonial system of the Carthaginians seems to 

 have been conducted in complete subservience to their 

 commercial advantages. The want of an outlet for 

 inhabitants formed no part of the motives which in- 

 duced them to enter so largely on this system. The 

 colonies were in most cases supported merely by a 

 governor and a few followers, whom idleness, politi- 

 cal discontents, or a love of change tempted from 

 their native country. Carthage received the rude 

 produce of Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, and exported 

 in return its own manufactures, and those oriental 

 commodities of which it formed the natural entre- 

 pot. The colonies, after defraying their own ex- 

 pences, remitted the surplus revenue to Carthage, 

 and their trade was confined exclusively to the mo- 

 ther country. An acute writer of our own day, 

 (Brougham, Colonial Policy], has remarked, that the 

 history of this monopoly exactly resembles that of 

 the European nations who have colonised America. 

 Polybius has preserved to us two treaties between 

 Carthage and Rome, in which the progress of this 

 monopolising spirit is distinctly to be traced. In 

 the first, trading vessels have free access to all ports, 

 both of the African continent and the colonies. By 

 the second treaty, this privilege is confined to Car- 

 thage itself and to the ports of Sicily, but the Ro- 

 mans are absolutely debarred from Africa Propria 

 and Sardinia, unless driven by stress of weather, in 

 which case their stay is limited to five days. A sin- 

 gular clause is inserted, which bears a close analogy 

 to the modern questions concerning goods contra- 

 band of war. " If any Roman shall receive wa- 

 ter or stores from a Carthaginian port, or any part of 

 the provincial territory of Carthage, he is bound not 

 to turn them against the republic or her allies." 



Having thus noticed what is most important and 

 peculiar relative to Carthage, its domestic policy, 

 and external relations, we resume our summary view 

 of its history : premising, that of those circumstances 

 which are not important either in themselves or their 

 consequences, our sketch will be slight and rapid, in 

 order that we may be enabled more fully to describe 

 events of superior importance. 



Foundation e s ' e ie nan c I n y appears to have been 



of 'Car- admirably chosen, and the new city flourished so ra- 

 thage, and pidly, that Jarbas, a native prince, was induced to 

 its rapid make himself master of it. He desired that ten of 

 progress. tne most no bl e Carthaginians should be sent to him 

 as ambassadors ; to these he proposed himself as the 

 suitor of D;do, and having induced them by threats 

 and promises to enter into his views, he dismissed 

 them. By an artifice they procured from Dido a 

 promioe to comply with their wishes ; but she, to 

 avoid the fulfilment of the contract, and the imputa- 

 tion of slighting the memory of her first husband, 

 D th F Sichaeus, devoted herself to a voluntary death. 

 -Didp. This is Justin's account, and it evidently differs not 



a little from that which Virgil has given us. Much 

 discussion has been employed to reconcile these dif- 



ferences ; and Sir Tsaac Newton (Chronol. p. 65.) Carting?, 

 seems inclined to favour Virgil's statement, from *"" V'-' 

 the idea that he might have had access to the ar- Ea J" 1 > r chro ' 

 chives of Carthage ; and the arguments he brings cartha^ 

 forward, seem to render the statement that Dido and very uu- 

 ^Eneas were contemporaries, more probable than the certain, 

 learned in general are willing to allow. However, 

 the reasoning is far from conclusive, and we shall be 

 content in this, and in all other instances, to follow 

 the chronology of Blair, who places the destruc- 

 tion of Troy 408 years before the first Olympiad, 

 ( B. C. 1184,) while he brings the foundation of Car- 

 thage about 300 years later (B. C..869.) 



How long the monarchical form of government 

 continued at Carthage, we have no means of ascer- 

 taining, nor are we acquainted with any of the cir- 

 cumstances which befel the infant state. There is 

 chasm in the history of the Carthaginians of no less 

 than three hundred years. Their progress in this inter- 

 val could not have been slow ; for from the first notice 

 we have of their existence as a people in the ancient 

 historians, (Herod, in Clio. Tliucyd. lib. i. p. 11.) 

 we find them in alliance with the Tuscans, bringing 

 forward a fleet of 120 sail, and combating with the War witk 

 Phocaeans, who had settled in the island of Corsica, ^ ie Ph 

 in their progress from Asia to the southern shores of csans 

 France. (B.C. 539.) The Phocaeans were victo- 

 rious; but Herodotus intimates, that the victory was 

 in the end greatly detrimental to their interests. At 

 about this period also, the Carthaginians, as Justin 

 informs us, (lib. xxiii. c. 7.) engaged in war with 

 the neighbouring African princes, in which they 

 were victorious by the skill and bravery of their ge- 

 neral, Maleus, or as Vossius would correct it, Mal- 

 chus. Under the command of the same general, they invasion ot' 

 made, for the first time, a descent on Sicily, and Sicily, 

 subjugated a great part of the island. This event 

 supplies a convincing proof, that they had now be- 

 gun to be animated by that spirit of enterprise which 

 afterwards rendered them so remarkable. Elated by And Sar 

 their success in this instance, they proceeded to carry dinia. 

 their victorious arms into Sardinia ; though it ap- 

 pears that at the same time they were agitated by 

 domestic discussions, and wasted by a most destruc- 

 tive pestilence. The attempt, however, was unsuc- 

 cessful, Malchus was defeated by the Sardinians, and 

 lost nearly the half of his forces. The citizens, en- 

 raged at his failure, indignantly pronounced a sen- 

 tence of banishment against the general and all the sur- 

 viving soldiers. The army, in the first instance, were Rebellion 

 contented with remonstrating against the injustice of of the Sar- 

 this proceeding ; but finding these remonstrances in- dinian ar- 

 effcctual, they embarked at once for Africa, advan- m ^" 

 ced towards the city, and, having called the gods to 

 witness that they were unwillingly driven toadoptthese 

 extreme measures, they held it closely invested. The 

 senate and people now began to repent the folly and 

 injustice of their proceedings, and were eager to come 

 to an accommodation. At this time Curtalo, the 

 general's only son, happened to return from Tyre, 

 whither he had been sent to convey a tenth part of 

 the Sicilian spoils as an offering to the Tyrian Her- 

 cules. Him they made their mediator, and he pro- 

 ceed' d on his mission, clad in his robes, as priest of 

 Hercules. His father, after rebuking him for hi* 



