POOR. 



89 



I'm r. 



f >b<taclc< 



lUMIl 111 



KnglunJ. 



ntaits. 



idleness, imposture, and low profligacy over the coun- 

 try. This last mode is so pregnant with evils, that it 

 appears astonishing how any enlightened legislature 

 should deliberately tolerate it, however it may have 

 been introduced by temporary pressure and abuse, or 

 want of means to meet it. 



In the first mode of providing for the poor by legis- 

 lative authority, we have stated that obstacles to full 

 and free employment should be removed, and habits 

 of industry and prudence encouraged. In the 43d of 

 Elizabeth, the legislature of England had this import- 

 ant object in view ; but they seem to have apprehend- 

 ed it very indistinctly, committing the authority of 

 executing it to men who had not, and could not have 

 sufficient means or influence; and still this indistinct 

 apprehension continues. It was not in the power of 

 the church-wardens and overseers of the poor, even 

 under the authority of the law, and with the support 

 of the magistracy, to make effectual provision for full 

 and free employment ; it never can be in their power 

 to do this, with all the improvements lately made by 

 law in their administration. The greatest and most 

 productive source of employment is land; and so long 

 as the land is locked up by entails in the hands of per- 

 sons having neither due motives nor sufficient means 

 to cultivate and improve it, one most important branch 

 of employment must continue shut by law. The rights 

 of common, which in England require the authority of 

 individual acts of parliament, in order to explain them, 

 and to confer on individuals their several ascertained 

 and improveable interests, ought long ago to have 

 been placed under the influence of one general and 

 equitable bill of enclosure, and thus employment and 

 subsistence for thousands would have been at once at- 

 tained. Above all, the tithe-system, which admits of 

 one general and equitable commutation in the form of 

 a valuation made once for all, as exists in Scotland, re- 

 quires to be revised, that encouragement may be given 

 for the best and most productive employment, on a 

 great national scale. These measures can only be 

 taken by the legislature itself; and it is only trifling 

 with the great interests of the community, to leave 

 them as they are unattempted, and the proper employ- 

 ment of millions in triple fetters, while nominal pow- 

 ers (quite ineffectual) are continued to a few indi- 

 viduals, hi order to find or to force employment. The 

 true policy of the legislature is here quite apparent; 

 and it ought to be extended in full influence to Ire- 

 land, and also to Scotland, in so far as concerns deeds 

 of entail. To these measures, the united kingdoms 

 must at last have recourse; and the sooner they do 

 so the better. Scotland has prospered under the valua- 

 tion of her tithes, and the fair and easy mode of divid- 

 ing her commons. Ireland would be still more a 

 gainer by the former plan, which would obviate half 

 of the heartburnings that cause her misery; and land- 

 holders, though subjected to payment of tithes, would 

 be soon more than indemnified in rents and" improve- 

 ments, with security and peace. The wise and liberal 

 policy now adopted, in respect of commercial and ma- 

 and"uia'nu- nufacturing industry, tending also to relax the re- 

 straints imposed by the jealousy of other states, must 

 eventually open a wider field of employment in these 

 great interests, and will of course materially add to the 

 prosperity and efficacy of agricultural industry and 

 employment also. 



Then what new fields of employment must open in 

 all the trades and arts connected with, and subsidiary 



VOL. XVII. PART J. 



jtlaiul. 



Ireland. 



Liberal 

 policy i 

 commerce 



factures. 



Connected 

 arts. 





to agriculture, manufacture*, and commf rce ! It i* not Pour. 

 possible to conceive what effects a liberal, enlarged, and * "^V""" 

 wite system of legislation like this would produce. 

 Most of the paupers capable of employment would 

 soon find it, according to their own choice and circum- 

 stances ; and ample means and funds would then be 

 obtained for the easy and comfortable support of the 

 real poor. The improvement of land would be general 

 and great ; and the benefits would not only fill this 

 land, but extend their happy fruits and effects to oar 

 colonies and to remote nations. Our now restrained 

 use of capital would then become free and general ; 

 and the mutual interests of the owners of it, and of the 

 labouring classes, would soon be adjusted in the full 

 employment of capital and people. 



The latter mode of providing for the real poor out Specie 

 of specific funds to be allotted for the purpose, might fu 

 then be adopted and put in force with comparative l>ro 

 ease. The poor would not be in such oppressive num- 

 bers ; a portion of employment might be found, as in 

 Scotland, for many or most of them ; and the public 

 would be more able and willing to support them. Af- 

 ter all, the true principle of maintaining the poor might 

 still be preserved in considerable purity by voluntary 

 charity ; not only in the way of donations and collec- 

 tions for them, but also in the supplementary provi- 

 sion to be made by assessment. 



The act of Elizabeth was erroneous in principle, in ^ rror . ' n 

 committing the power of assessment of sums to an un- 

 defined extent to a few men, having no adequate in- ii|i za betb. 

 terest in a correct discrimination, and in preventing 

 excess and abuse. It was not indeed foreseen by her 

 wise counsellors how inefficient the powers of these 

 men would ultimately prove in finding work for those 

 who could not themselves find it ; nor how burdensome 

 the subsequent interpretations of this part of the sta- 

 tute would prove. The new act, 59 Geo. III. c. 12. Improve- 

 to amend the laws for the relief of the poor (31st March, ro f nl hjr 

 1819) has committed the formidable power of assess- 

 ment to select vestries, approaching to the nature of the 

 meetings of heritors and kirk sessions in Scotland, and 

 possessing an interest in keeping down the amount, 

 and also in bestowing the sums assessed with proper 

 attention and discrimination of character and conduct, 

 as well as real need. Emergencies are provided for 

 under this act ; but such provision as magistrates are 

 authorized thus to make, is to be grounded on the oath 

 of the claimants, and to have effect only for a short 

 time ; and relatives are bound to support their needy 

 parents or children if they possess funds. A great deal 

 of good has been already silently attained under this 

 excellent statute; which provides by law for the real 

 poor, yet interferes as little as possible with the proper 

 exercise of prudence and charity. 



In addition to .this wise enactment, the British legis- Acts in 

 lature, in the same year, passed the two statutes ; one f " ur ol 

 for the protection of banks for savings ; the other for J^** 

 the farther protection and encouragement of friendly friendly 

 societies (59 Geo. III. ch. 62 and 128) evidently in- societies, 

 tending to give their continuance to proper habits of both in 

 industry and prudent economy ; and thus to enable 1819. 

 the labouring classes to make honourable provision for 

 themselves and their families, in the safest and easiest 

 manner. The former act applies to Scotland, where it 

 has already been of very great use ; and the laUer to Further 

 the united kingdoms. improve- 



After such enlightened and laborious efforts already n ? ent9 ob - 

 made by the legislature of Great Britain and Ireland, 



