THE FALL OF THE BIRTH-RATE 13 



years that we have precise information on the point. 

 It will be seen from the first column that the propor- 

 tion of married women to the population fell from 

 1871 to 1891, but since then has risen very consider- 

 . We may add to our conclusions then: 



(4) The fall in the birth-rate, since 1891 at K 

 cannot be due to a fall in the proportion of married 

 women to the population, since that proportion has 

 risen, not fallen. 



But, it may be said, married women are relatively 

 infertile after the age of 45, and probably there were 

 fewer under that age in 1911 than in the seventies, as 

 compared with the whole population. The answer to 

 objection is given in the next column of the 

 Table. The proportion of married women under 45 

 to the whole population fell from 1861 to 1891, hut 

 rose from 1891 to 1911, when it stood at the highest 

 figure for the period. We see then that 



(5) The fall in the birth-rate cannot be due to a 

 fall in the proportion of married women of fertile ages 

 to the population, for this proportion has risen since 

 1891, and now stands at the highest point since 1851. 



These changes may seem to be of a rather uiv 

 pected kind having regard to the fact that there was 

 a clear fall in the marriage-rate following the decade 

 1866 75. Hut ti.e increase in the proportion of 

 ried women to the population after i8 part 



r he fall in the birth-rate itself. This leads to a 

 tall in the proportion of the young, and therefore to a 

 in the proportion of adults (including mai 

 ten) as compared with the population as a whole. 

 But, our i ry arguer may then say, perl 



of those under 45 there is now a much smaller pro- 

 port he younger ages, and c the group 

 of married women under 45, considered as a whole, 

 >t be as fertile as it used to be. On \\\\* head he 



