ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 127 



conscientious persistency in what is impracticable. For the 

 impracticable, however theoretically enticing, is always po 

 litically unwise, sound statesmanship being the application of 

 that prudence to the public business which is the safest 

 guide in that of private men. 



No doubt slavery was the most delicate and embarrassing 

 question with which Mr. Lincoln was called on to deal, and 

 it was one which no man in his position, whatever his 

 opinions, could evade ; for, though he might withstand the 

 clamour of partisans, he must sooner or later yield to the 

 persistent importunacy of circumstances, which thrust the 

 problem upon him at every turn and in every shape. 



It has been brought against us as an accusation abroad, 

 and repeated here by people who measure their country 

 rather by what is thought of it than by what it is, that our 

 war has not been distinctly and avowedly for the extinction 

 of slavery, but a war rather for the preservation of our 

 national power and greatness, in which the emancipation of 

 the negro has been forced upon us by circumstances and 

 accepted as a necessity. We are very far from denying this; 

 nay, we admit that it is so far true that we were slow to re 

 nounce our constitutional obligations even toward those who 

 had absolved us by their own act from the letter of our duty. 

 We are speaking of the government which, legally installed 

 for the whole country, was bound, so long as it was possible, 

 not to overstep the limits of orderly prescription, and could 

 not, without abnegating its own very nature, take the lead in 

 making rebellion an excuse for revolution. There were, no 

 doubt, many ardent and sincere persons who seemed to think 

 this as simple a thing to do as to lead off a Virginia reel. 

 They forgot what should be forgotten least of all in a system 

 like ours, that the administration for the time being repre 

 sents not only the majority which elects it, but the minority 

 as well a minority in this case powerful, and so little ready 

 for emancipation that it was opposed even to war. Mr. Lin 

 coln had not been chosen as general agent of an anti-slavery 

 society, but President of the United States, to perform certain 

 functions exactly defined by law. Whatever were his wishes, 

 it was no less duty than policy to mark out for himself a line 

 of action that would not further distract the country, by 

 raising before their time questions which plainly would soon 

 enough compel attention, and for which every day was 

 making the answer more easy. 



