HIS OWN TRIAL. 229 



with sufficient evidence to justify the proclamation of 

 martial law, and especially the putting it into practice? 



I say it, Gentlemen, with deep grief, these problems 

 will be answered in the negative by whoever takes the 

 trouble to analyze without passion, and without precon 

 ceived opinions, some authentic documents, which people 

 in general seem to have made it a point to leave in ob 

 livion. But I hasten to add, that considering the question 

 as to intention, Bailly will continue to appear, after this 

 examination, quite as humane, quite as honourable, quite 

 as pure as we have found him to be in the other phases 

 of a public and private life, which might serve as a model. 



In the best epochs of the National Assembly, no one 

 who belonged to it would have dared to maintain, that to 

 draw up and sign a petition, whatever might be the object 

 of it, were rebellious acts. Never, at that time, would 

 the President of that great Assembly have called down 

 hate, public vengeance, or a sanguinary repression upon 

 those who attempted, said Charles Lameth, in the sitting 

 of the 1 6th of July, &quot; to oppose their individual will to 

 the law, which is an expression of the national will.&quot; 

 The right of petition seemed as if it ought to be absolute, 

 even if contrary to sanctioned and promulgated laws in 

 full action, and even more so against legislative arrange 

 ments still under discussion, or scarcely voted. 



The petitioners of the Champ de Mars asked the Con 

 stituent Assembly to revise a decree that they had issued 

 two days before. We have no occasion to examine 

 whether the act was reasonable, opportune, dictated by 

 an enlightened view of the public good. The question 

 is simple ; in soliciting the Assembly to revise a decree, 

 they violated no law. Perhaps it will be thought that 

 the petitioners at least committed an unusual act, con- 



