790 



UNITED STATES. 



consider safe, and their funds lie almost without in- 

 terest. Men of enterprise, who have credit, or secu- 

 rities to pledge, will not borrow. Consumption has 

 fallen below the natural limits of a reasonable econ- 

 omy. Prices of many things are under their range 

 in frugal, specie-paying times before the civil war. 

 Vast masses of currency lie in the banks unused. A 

 year and a half ago the legal tenders were at their 

 largest volume, and the $12,000,000 since retired 

 have been replaced by fresh issues of $15,000,000 of 

 bank-notes. In the mean time, the banks have been 

 surrendering about $4,000,000 a month, because they 

 cannot find a profitable use for so many of their notes. 



The public mind will no longer accept shams. It 

 has suffered enough from illusions. An insincere 

 policy increases distrust. An unstable policy in- 

 creases uncertainty. The people need to know that 

 the Government is moving in the direction of ulti- 

 mate safety and prosperity, and that it is doing so 

 thDugh prudent, safe, and conservative methods, 

 which will be sure to inflict no new sacrifice on the 

 business of the country. Then the inspiration of 

 new hope and well-founded confidence will hasten 

 the restoring processes of Nature, and prosperity 

 will begin to return. 



The St. Louis Convention concludes its expression 

 in regard to tlie currency by a declaration or its con- 

 victions as to the practical results of the system of 

 preparations it demands. It says : " We believe 

 sush a system, well devised, and, above all, intrusted 

 to competent hands for execution, creating at no 

 time an artificial scarcity of currency, and at no time 

 alarming the public mind into a withdrawal of that 

 vaster machinery of credit by which ninety-five per 

 cent, of all business transactions are performed a 

 system open, public, and inspiring general confi- 

 dence would, from the day of its adoption, bring 

 healing on its wings to all our harassed industries, 

 set in motion the wheels of commerce, manufactures, 

 and the mechanic arts, restore employment to labor, 

 and renew in all its natural sources the prosperity 

 of the people." 



The Government of the United States, in my opin- 

 ion, can advance to a resumption of specie payments 

 oh its legal-tender notes by gradual and safe pro- 

 cesses tending to relieve the present business dis- 

 tress. If charged by the people with the adminis- 

 tration of the executive office, I should deem it a 

 duty so to exercise the powers with which it has 

 been or may be invested by Congress, as best and 

 soonest to conduct the country to that beneficent 

 result. 



CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM. 



The convention justly affirms that reform is neces- 

 sary in the civil service ; necessary to its purification ; 

 necessary to its economy and its efficiency; necessary 

 in order that the ordinary employment of the public 

 business may not be " a prize fought for at the bal- 

 lot-box, a brief re ward of party zeal, instead of posts 

 of honor assigned for proved competency and held 

 for fidelity in the public employ." The convention 

 wisely added that " reform is necessary even more 

 in the higher grades of the public service. Presi- 

 dent, Vice-President, judges, Senators, Representa- 

 tives, cabinet officers these, and all others in au- 

 thority, are the people's servants. Their offices are 

 not a private perquisite; they are a public trust." 



Two evils infest the official service of the Federal 

 Government : 



One is, the prevalent and demoralizing notion that 

 the public service exists not for the business and 

 benefit of the whole people, but for the interest of 

 the office-holders, who are, in truth, but the servants 

 of the people. Under the influence of this perni- 

 cious error public employments have been multi- 

 plied ; the numbers of those gathered into the ranks 

 of office-holders have been steadily increased beyond 

 any possible requirement of the public business, 

 while inefficiencv, peculation, fraud, and malversa- 

 tion of the public funds, from the high places of 



power to the lowest, have overspread the whole ser- 

 vice like a leprosy. 



The other evil is, the organization of the official 

 class into a body of political mercenaries, governing 

 the caucuses and dictating the nominations of their 

 own party, and attempting to carry the elections of 

 the people by undue influence, and by immense cor- 

 ruption-funds systematically collected from the sal- 

 aries or fees of office-holders. The official class in 

 other countries, sometimes by its own weight and 

 sometimes in alliance with the army, has been able 

 to rule the unorganized masses even under universal 

 suffrage. Here, it has already grown into a gigantic 

 power capable of stifling the inspirations of a sound 

 public opinion, and of resisting an easy change of 

 Administration, until misgovernment becomes intol- 

 erable, and public spirit has been stung to the pitch 

 of a civic revolution. 



The first step in reform is the elevation of the 

 standard by wnich the appointing power selects 

 agents to execute official trusts. Next in impor- 

 tance is a conscientious fidelity in the exercise of the 

 authority to hold to account and displace untrust- 

 worthy or incapable subordinates. The public in- 

 terest in an honest, skillful performance of official 

 trust must not be sacrificed to the usufruct of the 

 incumbents. 



After these immediate steps, which will insure the 

 exhibition of better examples, we may wisely go on 

 to the abolition of unnecessary offices, and finally 

 to the patient, careful organization of a better civil- 

 service system, under the tests, wherever practica- 

 ble, of proved competency and fidelity. 



While much may be accomplished by these meth- 

 ods,- it might encourage delusive expectations if I 

 withheld here the expression of my conviction that 

 no reform of the civil service in this country will 

 be complete and permanent until its Chief Magis- 

 trate is constitutionally disqualified for reelection; 

 experience having repeatedly exposed the futility of 

 self-imposed restrictions by_ candidates or incum- 

 bents. Through this solemnity only can he be effect- 

 ually delivered from his greatest temptation to mis- 

 use the power and patronage with which the Exec- 

 utive is necessarily charged. 



CONCLUSION. 



Educated in the belief that it is the first duty of 

 a citizen of the republic to take his fair allotment 

 of care and trouble in public affairs, I have for forty 

 years, as a private citizen, fulfilled that duty. 

 Though occupied in an unusual degree during all 

 that period with the concerns of government, I 

 have never acquired the habit of official life. When, 

 a year and a half ago, I entered upon my present 

 trust, it was in order to consummate reforms to which 

 I had already devoted several of the best years of my 

 life. Knowing as I do, therefore, from i'resh expe- 

 rience, how great the difference is between gliding 

 through an official routine and working out a reform 

 of systems and policies, it is impossible for me to 

 contemplate what needs to be done in the Federal 

 Administration without an anxious sense of the diffi- 

 culties of the undertaking. If summoned by the 

 suffrages of my countrymen to attempt this work, I 

 shall endeavor, with God's help, to be the efficient 

 instrument of their will. 



SAMUEL J. TILDEN. 



Steps were taken early in the political can- 

 vass to prevent any disturbances at the elf>c- 

 tions in the Southern States. On August 15th 

 the Secretary of War addressed the following 

 letter to General Sherman, the commander of 

 the Army : 



WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, I 

 August 15, 1876. ( 

 To General W. T. SHERMAN, commanding United 



States Army. 



SIR : The House of Representatives of the United 



