338 



GERMAN IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, THE. 



The Federal Council, acting under the Chan- 

 cellor, represents in addition to its legislative 

 functions a supreme administrative and con- 

 sultative board, and as such has seven standing 

 committees, as follows : for army and navy ; 

 tariff, excise, and taxes ; trade and commerce ; 

 railroads, posts, and telegraphs; civil and 

 criminal law ; financial accounts ; and foreign 

 affairs. Each committee consists of represent- 

 atives of at least four states of the empire, 

 while the Committee on Foreign Affairs in- 

 cludes only the representatives of the kingdoms 

 of Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, and Wurtemberg. 



The question of creating a Parliament was 

 one of the most difficult that presented itself 

 to German statesmen upon the creation of the 

 North German Confederation, the institutions 

 of which were almost entirely adopted by the 

 German Empire. There was a time when the 

 idea of a National German Parliament was 

 cherished by the greatest minds as well as by 

 the masses of Germany. It is not to be won- 

 dered at, however, that the enthusiasm, which 

 greeted the creation of the German Reichstag 

 and before it the German Customs Parliament, 

 has been succeeded by criticism and even in 

 some quarters by open hostility. The question 

 whether a Parliament is necessary for the de- 

 velopment of national life in Germany, is 

 thought by German writers* to be best an- 

 swered by a review of Bismarck's German 

 policy previous to the North German Confed- 

 eration. His strongest blow against the old 

 Bundestag or Federal Diet was to demand a 

 National Assembly elected by the direct vote 

 of the people. This demand, made by the 

 Prussian ministry iu 1863, was repeated by the 

 resolution offered by Prussia in the Federal 

 Diet in 1866. It really seemed as if no other 

 way was open to bring about German unity, 

 than by the co-operation of the entire nation, 

 and the best means by which to secure this 

 was by a direct representation of the people. 

 Furthermore, this plan offered a sufficient pro- 

 tection against the distinct tendencies of the 

 several states. The question as to the manner 

 of carrying out this plan offered from the be- 

 ginning serious difficulties. The demand for 

 a correct application of the double- Chamber 

 system, which was made in the beginning, is 

 no longer heard, and the Bundesrath, in its 

 double function as Upper House and a part of 

 the executive, is but little objected to. The 

 application of the most democratic of all elect- 

 oral systems, that of a general franchise to 

 the election of the Imperial Diet, was met with 

 strong objections from the very beginning. In 

 spite of all opposition, Bismarck introduced 

 this system upon the creation of the North 

 German Confederation, copying almost verb- 

 ally the electoral law of April 12, 1849, of the 

 Frankfort National Assembly. The only other 

 system which could have been adopted under 

 the then existing circumstances, that of an in- 

 direct election by means of electors, was desig- 

 * " Unsere Zeif 



nated by Bismarck himself as the very worst 

 possible. The demand for the abolition of the 

 general franchise, which has been heard on 

 several occasions, has of late practically ceased. 

 It has been opposed by the argument that it 

 would be very unwise to change the political 

 system of the country after so short a time 1 . 

 The same argument is brought forward against 

 the demand to increase the age at which the 

 Germans acquire the right to vote from twenty- 

 five to thirty years. 



Considerable opposition has been raised 

 against the present composition of the Diet. 

 It has been stated that there was great danger 

 from demagogues and monopolies, and that too 

 many deputies make a business of their office, 

 and are in the way of the true representatives 

 of the people. Prince Bismarck has complained 

 that, after new elections, he sees on the whole 

 the same faces as before. This, however, is a 

 poor argument, for it is not to be expected that 

 a people will change its representatives every 

 three years. The majority of the complaints 

 of the present composition of the Diet come 

 from the official organs of the Government, and 

 there can be but little doubt that Prince Bis- 

 marck, by bringing forward these questions, 

 desires to destroy the old parties, and to secure 

 the devoted majority which he has desired for 

 so long a time. To a certain degree he has 

 been successful in the disintegration of parties. 

 The so-called German Conservative party has 

 always been a mixture of agrarians and de- 

 voted adherents of the Government, and it is a 

 matter of course that it should be a govern- 

 ment party. The Free Conservative Imperial 

 party has been divided during the past year by 

 the new policy of the Chancellor. The same 

 policy has separated from the National Liberals 

 the protectionist group of Volk-Schauss, and 

 to a certain extent the free-trade group of Bam- 

 berger-Forckenbeck. The immediate future will 

 show whether this process of disintegration 

 will continue. But, whether it will continue 

 or not, it can not be foreseen now how Prince 

 Bismarck's compact majority is to be formed. 

 A chaos of the different groups appears much 

 more probable. Prince Bismarck certainly sees 

 the danger arising from such a condition for 

 the young empire. No doubt, however, he 

 considers himself able to mold such a chaos 

 according to his will. In other words, the pro- 

 tection against the dangers of a general fran- 

 chise is not to be found, according to Bismarck, 

 in independent and strong political parties, but 

 in a strong government which rules every- 

 thing a government which contends against 

 the social elements striving to gain the mastery 

 over the state, by making itself their leader, 

 and then leading them according to its will, 

 and thus making them subsidiary to its inter- 

 ests. It is no secret, how little sympathy 

 Prince Bismarck has for a strong Reichstag. 

 Even when he was in the fullest accord with 

 the Parliament, he carefully avoided the grant 

 to it of new privileges or the extension of 





