646 



NEW YOKE. 



cipal would vote. Whether Mr. Robertson was or 

 wa* ni himself bound, not only bv honor and impli- 

 cation, but by expressly giving his word, baoomet 

 quite immaterial in view of the claim made tor him. 

 It is insisted that he "organized the bolt," or, as it 

 has been sometimes stated, " he was tho leader of tho 

 l>olt." This is to say that ho invited, persuaded, or 

 induced others whom he knew had given their word 

 and had oi.tain.'d their seats by doing so. to violate 

 their word and betray not only the Republicans as- 

 sembled in State Convention, but the Republicans of 

 their districts as well, who had trusted in their honor. 

 Whoever counsels and procures another to do a dis- 

 honest or dishonorable act must share with that other 

 the guilt, and should share, also, the odium justly at- 

 taching to it. We are, therefore, wholly unabte, upon 

 whatever irnmnd we put it, to see justification for 

 ourselves, should we become parties to using the pub- 

 lic trusts which belong to tho people to require such 

 service in such modes. But the appliances employed 

 to effect the results set up new standards of responsi- 

 bility, and invade, as we believe, the truths and prin- 

 ciples on which the separate and co-ordinate branches 

 of the Government stand. A Senator has his own 

 responsibility ; he is amenable to his State and to the 

 body of which he is a member ; he is bound by his 

 oath to "advise and consent" on his conscience and 

 judgment before God, whatever or whoever else may 

 constrain him ; he is to be exempt from executive 

 menace and disfavor on the one hand, and executive 

 inducement on the other. 



Long standing on the orders of the House of Com- 

 mons has been a declaration that a member shall suf- 

 fer expulsion who even shall report the wishes of the 

 executive head of the government to influence the 

 votes of members. The British Constitution is not 

 more jealous than ours in this regard. To give advice, 

 and nonest, independent advice, as to appointments 

 proposed, is as much the right and duly of a Senator 

 as it is the right or duty of the President to propose. 

 Be his advice one way or the other, it is no more an 

 act of disrespect or treason to the nominating power 

 than the verdict of a jury or the decision of a judge. 

 The idea that the Senate 'has simply to find out wliat 

 is wanted, and then do it, we can not believe sale or 

 admissible, and thus far no party has dared or de- 

 scended to set up such a test of party fidelity or alle- 

 giance. In this instance, such prominence has been 

 given to the subject and such distrust has been ex- 

 pressed of the correctness of our position, that .we 

 think it right and dutiful to submit the matter to the 

 power to which alone we are bound and ever ready to 

 bow. The Legislature is in session. It is Republican 

 in its majority, and New York abounds in sons quite 

 as able as we to bear her message and commission in 

 the Senate of the United States. With a profound 

 sense of the obligation we owe, with devotion to the 

 Republican party and its creed " liberty and right" 

 with reverent attachment to the great State whose 

 interests and honor are dear to us, we hold it respect- 

 ful to make room for those who may correct all records 

 we have made and interpret aright all duties we have 

 misconserved. We therefore inclose our resignations, 

 but hold fast the privilege, as citizens and Repub- 

 licans, to stand for the constitutional rights of all men 

 and of all representatives, whether of the States, the 

 nation, or the people. 



We have the nonor to be, very respectfully, 

 Your obedient servants, 



R'OSCOE CONKLING, 

 THOMAS C. PLATT. 

 To his Excellency Governor Cornell, Albany, N. Y. 



The resignation of the Senators was an- 

 nounced to the two Houses of the Legislature 

 on the 19th of May, and, according to the 

 provisions of the Federal statute, it would be 

 necessary to begin balloting for their successors 

 on the 31st. It soon became evident that it 



was the purpose of Messrs. Conkling and Platt 

 to seek a re-election as a vindication of the 

 course they had seen fit to adopt, and that 

 they would meet with a resolute opposition 

 from a considerable number of the Republican 

 members of the Senate and Assembly. It so 

 happened that the committee on the part of 

 the Assembly charged with the duty of calling 

 a caucus in case it was required, was controlled 

 by the " Stalwart " wing, and that on the part 

 of the Senate by the Administration, or"Ilalf- 

 Breed " wing of the party, as these factions 

 were popularly designated. The opponents of 

 the ex-Senators were generally averse to a 

 caucus, fearing that it would be so controlled 

 and directed as to put them in the position of 

 regular candidates for re-election. General 

 George H. Sharpe, chairman of the Assembly 

 Committee, requested Mr. Dennis McCarthy, 

 chairman of the Senate Committee, to secure 

 action for a joint invitation to a caucus. Tho 

 committees, however, failed to co-operate, and 

 an effort to secure a call for a caucus, signed 

 by a majority of the Republican members of 

 the two Houses, was also unsuccessful, and no 

 Republican caucus was held before the date 

 for balloting arrived. The Democrats held a 

 caucus and nominated John C. Jacobs as a 

 candidate for the seat vacated by Mr. Conk- 

 ling, and Francis Kernan for that vacated by 

 Mr. Platt. The first ballot was taken on the 

 31st of May. The Democratic vote of 7 in 

 the Senate and 4Y in the Assembly was united 

 on the regular candidates, except that Mr. 

 Jacobs himself, who was a member of the 

 Senate, voted for George B. Bradley for the 

 short-term vacancy. The Republican vote 

 was divided among nineteen candidates. Mr. 

 Conkling received 9 from the Senate and 26 

 from the Assembly, or 35 in all; 19 were 

 given to William A. Wheeler, 13 to Sherman 

 8. Rogers, 9 to Alonzo B. Cornell, 5 to Richard 

 Crowley, 4 to Charles J. Folger, 3 to Theodore 

 M. Pomeroy, two each to Henry E. Tremain, 

 Andrew D. White, James W. Wadsworth, Will- 

 iam M. Evarts, and Thomas G. Alvord, and 

 one each to Hamilton Ward, Warner Miller, 

 Samuel S. Edick, Reuben E. Fenton, Orlow 

 W. Chapman, Silas B. Dutcher, and Hamilton 

 Fish. The Republican vote for the long-term 

 vacancy was : For Thomas C. Platt, 8 from the 

 Senate and 21 from the Assembly, or 29 in 

 all ; 21 for ChaunceyM. Depew, 12 for Alonzo 

 B. Cornell, 8 for Elbridge G. Lapham, 6 for 

 Charles J. Folger, 5 for William M. Evarts, 5 

 for Warner Miller, 3 for Richard Crowley, two 

 each for Levi P. Morton, James W. Wadsworth, 

 Henry E. Tremaine, Noah Davis, Joseph II. 

 Choate, and Sherman S. Rogers, and one each 

 for George H. Sharpe, Theodore M. Pomeroy, 

 W T illiam A. Wheeler, and John M. Francis. 

 The full Republican strength was 25 in tho 

 Senate and 81 in the Assembly. The vote 

 given to Conkling and Platt on this first ballot 

 was regarded as indicating their entire support, 

 and was at no time exceeded in the long con- 



