364 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



darmes will be established. The request of the 

 Egyptian Government for the abolition of the 

 control is approved, its place to be taken by a 

 financial adviser to the Khedive nominated by 

 the Government of Great Britain. The reform 

 of the administration of justice and the suppres- 

 sion of the slave-trade are to be urged upon 

 the Khedive. The note foreshadows finally 

 the "prudent introduction of representative 

 institutions." 



The reawakened desires for commercial ex- 

 pansion by force of arms caused the English to 

 be unusually jealous of like propensities on the 

 part of other nations. The operations of Italy 

 in Assab Bay tirst excited their susceptibilities ; 

 but their eyes were turned most anxiously to 

 the movements of France at Tonquin, on the 

 Congo, and in Madagascar. France has long 

 exercised an incipient protectorate over the 

 parts of Madagascar visited by her traders, 

 while English influence in the island has been 

 mostly confined to that exercised over Queen 

 Ranovolo by missionaries. The British public 

 were prepared in advance to espouse a quar- 

 rel of the Malagassy Queen with the French 

 Government; but upon the arrival of her em- 

 bassy, which made the tour of the European 

 courts, it was discovered that she could conduct 

 her own diplomacy. 



The commercial treaty with France, con- 

 cluded in 1860, and several times renewed, ex- 

 pired the 1st of March. The new commercial 

 treaty, on which Sir Charles Dilke and Gam- 

 betta worked for ten months, came to nothing 

 at last. The French protectionists were deter- 

 mined to be delivered from subjection to Man- 

 chester, which was accomplished by substi- 

 tuting specific for ad valorem duties, since in 

 the finer textiles English competition was not 

 feared. Concessions in the amount of the 

 specific duties were not acceptable to the Brit- 

 ish commissioners, because they would not 

 materially alter the effect. England was will- 

 ing to continue the Cobden treaty, or to abate 

 the wine duties in order to secure one more 

 favorable for her manufactures. Fiscal con- 

 siderations stood in the way of offering France 

 a fair equivalent for free access to her markets, 

 for French wines and articles of luxury are 

 taxed for revenue purposes. The exports from 

 France to England have greatly exceeded the 

 imports of British products under the treaty 

 which the French refuse to continue.* 



* The general imports from Great Britain into France in 

 1878 amounted to 703,780.052 francs, in 1879 to 747,707.318 

 francs, and in 1880 to 721,465,519 francs ; the general exports 

 to Great Britain amounted to 1,149,183,404 francs in 1878, 

 to 1,056.957,635 francs in 1879, and to 1,090,890,223 francs in 

 1880. The special commerce returns give 582,288,80!) francs 

 in 1878, 600,823,044 francs in 1879, and 601,861,156 francs in 

 1880, as the value of imports from Great Britain, against 

 '.H'.i.l:;:!.30S francs of special exports to that country in 1878, 

 834,128,197 francs in 1879, and 845,463,215 francs in 1880. In 

 the special commerce of 18SO, wool imports from England 

 flprured for about 124,400,000 francs, woolen fabrics for 60.- 

 200,000 francs, coal for 59.100.000 francs, cotton manufactures 

 for 29,200,000 francs, and silks for 19,400,000 francs. The 

 chief French exports to Great Britain were : silks, 98,600,000 

 francs; woolens, 98,700,000 francs; refined susrar, 43.000,000 

 francs ; wine, 72,100,000 franca ; and butter, 60,400,000 francs. 



LEGISLATION. The session of Parliament 

 opened February 7th. As the whole of the 

 preceding session had been given up to Irish 

 matters, the attention of Parliament was in- 

 vited by the Ministry to the arrears of home 

 legislation. As many as ten measures were 

 announced in the Queen's speech. Three of 

 these the bankruptcy, corrupt practices, and 

 river conservancy bills had been brought 

 down from the previous session. The others 

 included such important subjects as local gov- 

 ernment, the organization of a municipal gov- 

 ernment for London, a revised criminal code, 

 and a new patent law. But, through a series 

 of mistakes and mischances, none of the meas- 

 ures enumerated in the royal message were 

 carried except two Scotch bills, one amending 

 the law of entail, and the other providing for 

 the endowment of education. That important 

 Government measures have expired in pro- 

 tracted discussions is no new thing ; but that 

 they should not even be introduced, that the 

 main part of the ministerial programme should 

 not be discussed at all, would have been deemed 

 impossible before this session of derangements 

 and surprises. It was not because great and 

 unforeseen exigencies called away the attention 

 of the House, nor because the Irish were more 

 successfully obstructive. They were not, prop- 

 erly speaking, obstructive at all, although they 

 contributed to the delay, as did all of the par- 

 ties ; and none contributed so much to make 

 this, in the words of Gladstone, " a session of 

 ruin and discomfiture " as did the members of 

 the Government themselves. 



The question of the year was the reform in 

 parliamentary procedure. The new rules were 

 to take precedence of all other measures. As 

 framed by the Government, providing for the 

 cloture by a bare majority, they furnished an 

 issue between the two sides of the House, 

 and both parties were girded for a close strug- 

 gle. The Irish chapter was to be considered 

 as closed. The address spoke of signs of im- 

 provement, of a diminution of intimidation, 

 and a more efficacious administration of jus- 

 tice, giving promise that the operation of the 

 land act, and preliminarily the judicious exer- 

 cise of the powers of coercion, would bring 

 about " the happy results which are so much 

 to be desired." The debate on the address was 

 prolonged eleven days. The Irish party ar- 

 raigned the Government for administration of 

 the protection act. The curt and contemptu- 

 ous replies which they received enabled them 

 the more forcibly to denounce the tyrannies of 

 Forster's administration, to defend the motives 

 of the imprisoned Land-Leaguers, to show the 

 defects of the land law, to justify boycotting, 

 and to unfurl the banners of home-rule as the 

 only deliverance from misgovernment. Mr. 

 Gladstone dumfounded the Conservatives and 

 perplexed even the most advanced Liberals by 

 hinting at the future consideration of " the 

 wider question of a separate Legislature," and 

 challenging the Home-Rulers to draw a line of 



