jo Naval War of 1812 



treatment of its (America's) citizens was scarcely 

 in accordance with the national privileges to which 

 the young Republic had become entitled. There 

 were no doubt many individuals among the Ameri 

 can people who, caring little for the Federal Gov 

 ernment, considered it more profitable to break than 

 to keep the laws of nations by aiding and supporting 

 our enemy (France), and it was against such that 

 the efforts of the squadron had chiefly been directed ; 

 but the way the object was carried out was scarcely 

 less an infraction of those national laws which we 

 were professedly enforcing. The practice of taking 

 English (and American) seamen out of American 

 ships without regard to the safety of navigating 

 them when thus deprived of their hands has been 

 already mentioned. To this may be added the de 

 tention of vessels against which nothing contrary to 

 international neutrality could be established, where 

 by their cargoes became damaged, the compelling 

 them, on suspicion only, to proceed to ports other 

 than those to which they were destined; and gener 

 ally treating them as though they were engaged in 

 contraband trade. . . . American ships were not 

 permitted to quit English ports without giving se 

 curity for the discharge of their cargoes in some 

 other British or neutral port/' On the same subject 

 James 4 writes : "When, by the maritime supremacy 

 of England, France could no longer trade for her 

 self, America proffered her services, as a neutral, to 

 trade for her; and American merchants and their 



L. c. ? IV, 325. 



