CHAPTER FIFTY-THREE 



WITH the advent of 1917, events moved with startling 



rapidity. For nearly a year prior to that time the 



Sussex pledge 1 had been maintained. Meanwhile 



Wilson's President Wilson had addressed notes to the warring 



efforts powers, requesting a definition of their purposes and 



j or peace \ . . i r i i 



looking toward some sort of negotiated adjustment. 

 On January 22 he spoke before the United States 

 Senate, declaring for a league of peace; for peace 

 without victory at the end of the war; for freedom of 

 the seas, and other guarantees of lasting peace. 



Apparently he had grounds to feel that his plans 

 might succeed. But the German administrative 

 group which had been making ostensible prepara- 

 tions for an honorable settlement and held out 

 against the proposed submarine campaign was sud- 

 denly relieved at the behest of the Tirpitz or " Vater- 

 land" cabal. This change replaced Von Jagow by 

 the futile Zimmermann, and Bethmann-Hollweg, 

 the Kaiser's trusty shock absorber, by the dull 

 routinist, Michaelis. Accordingly on January 3 1 the 

 campaign new Imperial government announced its intention 

 to destroy neutral commerce with Great Britain by 

 marking out a "war zone" in which all ships of what- 

 ever nation would be attacked and sunk by sub- 

 marines. The terms on which a degree of immunity 

 was promised American vessels were essentially 

 insulting and impossible of acceptance. 2 On Febru- 



1 Given March, 1916. 



2 When the astonishing news reached this country Lochner cabled to Berlin: 

 " For God's sake stop diver campaign and state terms of peace." 



C 712 ] 



