CHARLES. 



155 



against the levying of tonnage and poundage without 

 consent of parliament. Charles then began to em- 

 ploy his threatened mode of raising funds, by loans, 

 benevolences, and similar unpopular proceedings ; 

 which, however partially sanctioned by precedent, 

 were wholly opposed to the rising notions of civil 

 lil>erty throughout the nation, and to the constitu- 

 tional doctrine, which rendered the commons the 

 guardian and dispenser of the public treasure. His 

 difficulties were further increased by a preposterous 

 war with France, intended to gratify the private en- 

 mity of Buckingham, who added to the odium against 

 Him by an ill-rated expedition in assistance of the 

 Huguenots of Rochelle. 



In 1628, the king was obliged to call a new par- 

 liament, which showed itself as much opposed to ar- 

 bitrary measures as its predecessor, and, after voting 

 the supplies, prepared a bill, called " A petition of 

 right, recognising all the legal privileges of the sub- 

 ject," which, notwithstanding the employment of all 

 manner of arts and expedients to avoid it, Charles 

 was constrained to pass into a law ; and, had the 

 concession been unequivocal and sincere, and the con- 

 stitutional mode of government, which it implied, 

 been really adopted by both sides, much that followed 

 might have been prevented. Charles, however, by 

 his open encouragement of the doctrines of such di- 

 vines as Sibthorpe and Mainwaring, who publicly 

 inculcated the doctrine of passive obedience, and re- 

 presented all limitation of .kingly power as seditious 

 and impious, too clearly sanctioned the jealousy of 

 the commons, who would not, in consequence, rest 

 in confidence or slacken their attacks upon Bucking- 

 ham, on which account they were suddenly pro- 

 rogued. The assassination of the favourite soon 

 after, by the enthusiast Felton, removed one source 

 of discord, and Charles became more his own minis- 

 ter ; and some differences with his queen, which had 

 been fomented by Buckingham, being made up, he 

 ever after continued much under her influence. The 

 parliament which met in January, 1628, manifested 

 so determined a spirit against the king's claim of 

 levying tonnage and poundage by his own authority, 

 that it was suddenly dissolved, and Charles was de- 

 termined to try to reign without one. For this pur- 

 pose, having judiciously terminated the pending wars 

 between France and Spain, he raised Sir Thomas 

 Wentworth, afterwards so celebrated as lord Straf- 

 ford, to the principal place in his councils. This able 

 statesman had begun his political career in opposi- 

 tion to the court, but, having been gained over, was, 

 by his austerity, talent, and firmness, an exceedingly 

 fit instrument to curb the spirit of resistance to pre- 

 rogative, which had become so strong among the 

 commons. In ecclesiastical affairs, Charles, unhap- 

 pily for himself and the church, was guided by the 

 counsels of Laud, then bishop of London, a prelate 

 whose learning and piety were debased by supersti- 

 tion and a zeal as indiscreet as intolerant. Under 

 these counsels, some years passed away in the execu- 

 tion of plans for raising money without the aid of 

 parliament, with other dangerous expedients. The 

 arbitrary courts of high commission and star cham- 

 ber, in the hands of Laud, also exercised, in many 

 instances, the most grievous oppression ; of which 

 the treatment of Williams, bishop of Lincoln, and 

 ethers, affords memorable examples. In 1634, ship- 

 money began to be levied, which being strictly ap- 

 plied to naval purposes, the nation at large acquiesced 

 in it with less than usual repugnance; and some 

 writers, who courageously attacked the court against 

 the principle, were treated with so much severity, 

 that others were deterred from following their exam- 

 ple. So desperate did the cause of liberty at this 

 time appear, that great numbers of the puritans emi- 



grated to New England ; and, by order of the court,, 

 a ship was prevented from sailing, in which were Sir 

 Arthur Hazelrig, John Hampden, and Oliver Crom- 

 well. It was in 1637, not long after this remarkable 

 event, that Hampden commenced the career of re- 

 sistance by refusing to pay ship-money ; the right to 

 levy which, without authority of parliament, he was 

 determined to bring before a court of law. His cause 

 was argued for twelve days in the court of exche- 

 quer ; and, although he lost it by the decision of 

 eight of the judges out of twelve, the discussion of 

 the question was followed by the most important con- 

 sequences in its operation upon public opinion. 



It was in Scotland, however, that formal warlike 

 opposition was destined to commence. From the 

 beginning of his reign, Charles had endeavoured to 

 introduce into that country a liturgy copied from the 

 English an innovation which produced the most vio- 

 lent tumults, and ended in the formation of the famous 

 Covenant, in 1638, by which all classes of people mu- 

 tually engaged to stand by each other. The Cove- 

 nanters .levied an army, which the king opposed by 

 an ill-disciplined English force, so equivocally in- 

 clined, that, not able 'to trust it, Charles agreed to a 

 sort of pacification. The next year, he raised an- 

 other army ; but, his finances being exhausted, after 

 an intermission of eleven years, he again assembled 

 a parliament, who, as usual, began to state grievances 

 previously to granting supplies. Losing alfpatience, 

 the king once more nastily dissolved it, and prose- 

 cuted several members who had distinguished them- 

 selves by their opposition. Raising money in the 

 best manner he could devise, an English army was 

 again made to proceed towards the north ; but, be 

 ing defeated by the Scots, it became obvious that af- 

 fairs could no longer be managed without a parlia- 

 ment, and, in 1640, that dreaded assembly was again 

 summoned, which proved to be the famous long par- 

 liament, whose career forms so memorable a portion 

 of English history. It is not within the limits of this 

 work to give an account of the proceedings connected 

 with the prosecution, condemnation, and execution 

 of Strafford and Laud, or the various measures of re- 

 action in regard to ship-money, tonnage, and pound- 

 age, and the abolition of the iniquitous courts of high 

 commission, and star chamber : suffice it to say, that 

 Charles soon found himself reduced to a compara- 

 tively passive spectator of the ascendency of the de- 

 mocratical portion of the constitution, and was ob- 

 liged, both in Scotland and in England, to yield to 

 the torrent which assailed him. 



In the mean time, a flame burst out in Ireland, 

 which had no small effect hi kindling the ensuing 

 conflagration at home. The oppressed Catholic po- 

 pulation of that country, during the confusion of the 

 times, rose against the government for the purpose 

 of regaining their rights. Very exaggerated accotuits 

 of the massacre of the Protestants are to be found in 

 several of the historians. Later writers have esta- 

 blished the fact, that the number who perished in 

 this insurrection was very limited. The old Catholic 

 settlers of the English pale joined the native Irish, 

 and, to strengthen their cause, pretended to have a 

 royal commission, and to act in defence of the king's 

 prerogative against a puritanical and republican par- 

 liament. This pretended commission is now gene- 

 rally deemed a forgery ; but such was the supposed 

 partiality of Charles to pepery, that this event added 

 considerably to popular disaffection. The parlia- 

 ment being summoned, the king left the conduct of 

 the war entirely to it ; but it now became evident 

 that the commons intended systematically to pursue 

 their advantages, and to reduce the crown to a state of 

 complete dependence. They framed a remonstrance, 

 containing a recapitulation of all the errors of the 



