IRELAND (HISTORY.) 



115 



We now come to the time of the first appearance 

 of those associations of the peasantry, and others of 

 8 higher class, for purposes of outrage, or of effect- 

 ing political objects, by which the history of Ireland 

 is henceforth so much distinguished. In 1762 the 

 Whiteboys first created alarm. They took this name, 

 which succeeded that of Levellers, from the circum- 

 stance of their covering their ordinary dress by a 

 shirt or white frock. They consisted of labourers in 

 the woollen manufacture, who had been driven out of 

 employment by its decline ; and of labourers in hus- 

 bandry, who had been reduced to the same state, in 

 consequence of the general conversion of arable into 

 pasture land. To add to their distress, at this time 

 a spirit of enterprise and improvement had recently 

 promoted the enclosure of commons, on which these 

 people had previously enjoyed the right of common- 

 age. The outrages of the Whiteboys were dreadful; 

 and the alarm was greater than even they warranted, 

 in consequence of a suspicion that they were insti- 

 gated by, and connected with, the Catholics. The 

 next year an insurrection arose in Ulster. In this 

 only Protestants were concerned. The cause of this 

 was the hardships under which, it was alleged, the 

 poorer classes laboured with regard to keeping the 

 roads in repair. The insurgents called themselves 

 Hearts of Oak, from wearing oaken branches in their 

 hats. They soon, however, carried their views be- 

 yond their original object ; and, on their proceeding 

 to interfere violently with respect to this, and the rent 

 of land, they were put down by an armed force. 



The first circumstance, after the accession of 

 George III., connected with the history of Ireland, 

 that deserves our notice and record, was the passing 

 of the octennial bill, in 1768. The parliament of 

 Ireland, unlike that of Britain, continued in existence 

 as long as the monarch lived, being dissolved only 

 by his death taking place. In 1761, an attempt was 

 made by Lucas and others of the patriotic party, to 

 limit the duration of the Irish parliament, and to 

 place it on the same footing, in this respect, as the 

 British parliament ; this, however, did not succeed, 

 and it is even doubtful whether the British govern- 

 ment intended that the measure should be carried in 

 1768 ; for the British privy council returned the 

 heads of a bill transmitted to them for limiting the 

 duration of the Irish parliament to seven years, 

 with an alteration which extended the duration to 

 eight years ; probably expecting that, by this inter- 

 ference, the Irish parliament would be induced to 

 reject the bill altogether; but the Irish parliament, 

 with great temper and good sense, passed the bill as 

 returned to them. 



At this period, lord Townshend was lord-lieutenant. 

 His favourite and principal object was to destroy the 

 power of the Irish aristocracy, and to take out of 

 their hands the influence and distribution of places 

 and pensions, which had been hitherto allowed them, 

 in consequence of the supposed necessity of courting 

 their favour and votes. This was a difficult point; 

 but the viceroy carried it, though not by the most 

 justifiable means. From this time, the lord-lieutenant, 

 or in other words, the British government, was 

 regarded and treated as the only source of honours 

 or emoluments. During the administration of this 

 nobleman, who was very popular among the Irish, 

 not merely on account of his public measures, but 

 also on account of his disposition and manners, open 

 and convivial, and thus highly congenial to those of 

 the people over whom he was placed, some distur- 

 bances broke out in Ulster, in consequence of a sys- 

 tem introduced there of letting land on fines. As 

 the great majority of the small farmers and peasantry 

 were totally unable to pay these fines, and were con- 

 sequently deprived of their farms, they became des- 



perate, and committed such violent outrages on those 

 who had taken their lands, that government was 

 obliged to have recourse to military force. The 

 insurrection was thus quelled ; but the distressed 

 inhabitants, deprived of the means of subsistence, 

 were driven to America in great numbers. 



The breaking out of the American war, produced 

 a remarkable change in the language and conduct of 

 the British government as they related to Ireland ; 

 proposals were made in the British house of commons 

 in favour of I rish commerce ; and some of the penal 

 statutes against the Catholics were annulled. They 

 were now enabled to acquire full property in land, 

 and a son could no longer force a settlement from his 

 father by conforming to protestantism, provided the 

 Catholics subscribed an oath of allegiance and a 

 declaration, which were prescribed. Still^ however, 

 Irish commerce and trade languished, and the 

 patriots of Ireland aimed at much greater privileges 

 with respect to it, and to their political state in 

 general, than had yet been granted. The means by 

 which their views might be forwarded were at hand. 

 The American war had drawn from Ireland nearly 

 all her regular forces, and her coasts, thus unpro- 

 tected, were exposed to invasion. In consequence 

 of the town of Belfast not receiving a garrison ade- 

 quate to their protection, the inhabitants, in 1779, 

 entered into armed associations to defend themselves 

 against the enemy. This gave rise to the system of 

 volunteers, which soon spread over the whole coun- 

 try. The Irish now began to feel their strength, and 

 even the house of commons unanimously passed a 

 resolution, on the first day of their session this year, 

 that, in their address to the king, it should be repre- 

 sented to his majesty, that " it was not by temporary 

 expedients, but by a free trade alone, that Ireland 

 could now be saved from impending ruin ;" and in 

 order to give effect to this address, they voted their 

 supplies only for six months. A motion was also 

 made, that the granting of new taxes would at that 

 time be inexpedient, which was carried by a large 

 majority. Thanks were voted, unanimously, in the 

 house of commons, and, with only the dissentient 

 voice of the lord chancellor, in the house of lords, to 

 the volunteers, for their exertions in defence of their 

 country. Lord North, who was at this time prime 

 minister, now found himself obliged to give way ; but 

 hoping that the Irish would be content with the 

 removal of commercial restrictions, he carried a bill 

 through the British parliament, which in some mea- 

 sure effected that object. But the Irish looked to 

 greater objects ; and, unfortunately for his own 

 views, lord North, in order to induce the British 

 manufacturers and merchants to agree to his com- 

 mercial concessions, had represented them as a boon 

 resumable at pleasure. The Irish thus learned, that 

 what had been granted, had been granted, either 

 through fear, or as a matter of favour, and not as 

 their right, and they became sensible that they could 

 not be secure, unless they had an independent legis- 

 lature of their own. Resolutions to this effect were 

 published by the different volunteer corps, who, in 

 order that they might act with more effect, formed a 

 union among themselves, and they were not only 

 animated by the same spirit, but, in all their resolu- 

 tions and proceedings, directed to the same object. 



This spirit animated all ranks and classes : it was 

 no longer an association confined .to one part of the 

 kingdom, composed of ignorant and poor men, with- 

 out talents or influence, and aiming at some local 

 and temporary object. At the head of the Dublin 

 volunteers was the duke of Leinster ; and, on the 

 9th of June, 1780, with him in the chair, they 

 resolved, " That the king, lords, and commons, of 

 Ireland only, are competent to make laws binding 

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