LAFAYETTE. 



345 



with Cornwallis, who boasted that " the boy could 

 not escape him ;" the siege of Yorktown, and the 

 storming of the redoubt, are proofs of his devotion to 

 the cause of American independence. Desirous of 

 serving that cause at home, he again returned to 

 France for that purpose. Congress, which had 

 already acknowledged his merits on former occasions, 

 now passed new resolutions, Nov. 23, 1781, in which, 

 besides the usual marks of approbation, they desire 

 the American ministers to confer with him in their 

 negotiations. In France, a brilliant reputation had 

 preceded him, and he was received with the highest 

 marks of public admiration. Still he urged upon his 

 government the necessity of negotiating with a 

 powerful force in America, and succeeded in obtain- 

 ing orders to this effect. On his arrival in Cadiz, he 

 found forty-nine ships, with 20,000 men, ready to 

 follow him to America, had not peace rendered it 

 unnecessary. A letter from him communicated the 

 first intelligence of that event to congress. The 

 importance of his services in France may be seen by 

 consulting his letters in the Correspondence of the 

 American Revolution (Boston, 1831). He received 

 pressing invitations, however, to revisit the country. 

 Washington, in particular, urged it strongly; and, for 

 the third time, Lafayette landed in the United States, 

 Aug. 4, 1784. After passing a few days at Mount 

 Vernon, he visited Baltimore, Philadelphia, New 

 York, Boston, &c., and was every where received 

 with the greatest enthusiasm and delight. Previous 

 to his return to France, congress appointed a deputa- 

 tion, consisting of one member from each state, " to 

 take leave ot him on behalf of the country, and 

 assure him that these United States regard him with 

 particular affection, and will not cease to feel an 

 interest in whatever may concern his honour and 

 prosperity." 



After his return, he was engaged in endeavouring 

 to mitigate the condition of the Protestants in France, 

 and to effect the abolition of slavery. In the assem- 

 bly of the notables, in 1787, he proposed the sup- 

 pression of lettres de cachet and of the state prisons, 

 the emancipation of the Protestants, and the convo- 

 cation of the representatives of the nation. When 

 asked by the count D'Artois, afterwards Charles X., 

 if he demanded the states-general "Yes," was his 

 reply, "and something better. 1 ' Being elected a 

 member of the states-general, which took the name 

 of national assembly (1789), he proposed a declara- 

 tion of rights, and the decree providing for the re- 

 sponsibility of the officers of the crown. Two days 

 after the attack on the Bastile, he was appointed 

 (July 15) commander-in-chief of the national guards 

 of Paris. The court and national assembly were still 

 at Versailles, and the populace of Paris, irritated at 

 this, had already adopted, in sign of opposition, a 

 blue and red cockade (being the colours of the city 

 of Paris). July 26, Lafayette added to this cockade 

 the white of the royal arms, declaring at the same 

 time that the tricolor should go round the world. 

 On the march of the populace to Versailles (October 

 5 and 6), the national guards clamoured to be led 

 thither. Lafayette refused to comply with their de- 

 mand, until, having received orders in the afternoon, 

 he set off", and arrived at ten o'clock, after having been 

 on horseback from before day-light. He requested that 

 the interior pobts of the chateau might be committed 

 to him; but his request was refused, and the outer 

 posts only were intrusted to the national guards. This 

 was the night on \vh, ! ch the assassins murdered two 

 of the queen's guards, and were proceeding to further 

 acts of violence, when Lafayette, at the head of the 

 national troops, put an end to the disorder, anc 

 saved the lives of the royal family. In the morn- 

 ing he accompanied them to Paris. (See Louis Xf'I.' 



On the establishment of the Jacobin club at Paris, 

 he organized, with Bailly, then mayor of Paris, 

 the opposing club of Feuillans. Jan. 20, 1790, he 

 supported the motion for the abolition of titles ot 

 nobility, from which period he renounced his own 

 and has never since resumed it. The constkution of 

 a representative monarchy, which was the object of 

 his wishes, was now proposed, and July 13, 1790, 

 was appointed for its acceptance by the king and the 

 nation, and, in the name of 4,000,000 national guards, 

 Lafayette swore fidelity to the constitution. Declin- 

 ing the dangerous power of constable of France, or 

 generalissimo of the national guards of the kingdom, 

 after having organized the national militia, and de- 

 "ended the king from the popular violence, he resigned 

 all command, and retired to his estates. The first 

 coalition against France (1792) soon called him from 

 lis retirement. Being appointed one of the three 

 major generals in the command of the French armies, 

 le established discipline, and defeated the enemy at 

 'hilippeville, Maubeuge and Florennes, when his 

 career of success was interrupted by the domestic 

 actions of his country. Lafayette openly denounced 

 the terrible Jacobins, in his letter of June 16, in 

 which he declared that the enemies of the revolution, 

 under the mask of popular leaders, were endeavour- 

 ng to stifle liberty under the excesses of licentious- 

 ness. June 20, he appeared at the bar of the assem- 

 jly to vindicate his conduct, and demand the punish- 

 ment of the guilty authors of the violence. But the 

 Mountain had already overthrown the constitution, 

 and nothing could be effected. Lafayette then offered 

 ;o conduct the king and his family to Comptegne. 

 This proffer being declined, he returned to the army, 

 which he endeavoured to rally round the constitution. 

 June 30, he was burned in effigy at the Palais-Royal, 

 and, Aug. 5, was accused of treason before the assein- 

 t)ly. Still he declared himself openly against the 

 proceedings of August 10 ; but, finding himself un- 

 supported by his soldiers, he determined to leave the 

 country, and take refuge in some neutral ground. 

 Some persons have charged general Lafayette with a 

 want of firmness at this period ; but it is without a 

 Full understanding of the situation of things. Con- 

 scious that a price was set an his head at home, 

 knowing that his troops would not support him 

 against the principles which were triumphing in the 

 clubs and the assembly, and sensible that, even if he 

 were able to protract the contest with the victorious 

 faction, the frontiers would be exposed to the inva- 

 sions of the emigrants and their foreign allies, witli 

 whom he would have felt it treason against the 

 nation to have negotiated, he had no alternative. 

 Having been captured by an Austrian patrol, he was 

 delivered to the Prussians, by whom he was again 

 transferred to Austria. He was carried, with great 

 secrecy, to Olmutz, where he was subjected to every 

 privation and suffering, and cut off from all communi- 

 cation with his friends, who were not even able to 

 discover the place of his confinement until late in 

 1794. An unsuccessful attempt was made to deliver 

 him from prison by Dr Bollman, a German, and Mr 

 Huger (now colonel Huger of Charleston, S. C.). 

 His wife and daughters, however, succeeded in ob- 

 taining admission to him, and remained with him 

 nearly two years, till his release. Washington had 

 written directly to the emperor of Austria on his be- 

 half, without effect; but after the memorable cam- 

 paign of Bonaparte in Italy, the French government 

 required that the prisoners at Olmutz should be re- 

 leased, which was done Aug. 25, 1797, after a 

 negotiation that lasted three months. Refusing to 

 take any part in the revolutions of the 18th Fruclidor, 

 or of the 18th Brumaire, he returned to his estate 

 at La Grange, and, declining the dignity of senator, 



