158 



SCOTLAND (POLITICAL CONSTITUTION). 



coast centres almost entirely in the Clyde, which is 

 the grand emporium of the American, West Indian, 

 and South American trade. The chief shipping 

 ports on this coast are Glasgow, Port-Gla^ov, 

 and Greenock. The principal canals the Cale- 

 donian canal, the Forth and Clyde canal, &c are 

 described in the article Canal, under the division 

 Canals of Great Britain. 



The increase which has taken place in recent 

 times in the trade and manufactures of Scotland, 

 has been more rapid and astonishing than is observ- 

 able in any other part of Europe. Looking back to 

 the year 1056, we find that the whole vessels belonging 

 to the country amounted only to 137, carrying 5736 

 tons. Of this number, Glasgow had no more than 

 12, of a burden of from 12 to 150 tons. At the 

 Union in 1707, the shipping of Scotland had risen 

 to 215 vessels, carrying 14,485 tons. In 1760, the 

 number of ships employed in the fisheries, and in 

 foreign and coasting trade, amounted to 999, car- 

 rying 53,913 tons; and in 1800, the shipping 

 amounted to the more respectable number of 2415, 

 carrying 171,728 tons, and employing 14,820 men. 



It appears by a parliamentary paper, that in 1828, 

 the number of vessels belonging to Scotland under 

 100 tons was 2160, and the number above 100 tons 

 983 total 3143, the total amount of registered 

 tonnage of which was 300,836. We thus find, that 

 from the Union till 1828, the shipping of Scotland 

 rose from 215 to 3143 vessels, being a multiplica- 

 tion of about fourteen and a half times within the 

 period of 121 years. By a table in the parliamentary 

 paper it also appears that Aberdeen owns the great- 

 est amount of tonnage of any port in Scotland. Its 

 tonnage is 46,587, that of Greenock 37,786, Glas- 

 gow 36,220, Leith 26, 107, and Dundee 24,227. But 

 this does not give a certain idea of the comparative 

 amount of traffic carried on at these ports, for they 

 employ the shipping of one another, and freight the 

 vessels of inferior ports. In 1755, the imports into 

 Scotland, in round numbers, were 465,411, and 

 the exports 535,576 : in 1825, the imports had 

 increased to 4,994,304, and the exports to 

 5,842,269. 



It was some years ago calculated by Sir John 

 Sinclair, that the whole amount of manufactures in 

 Scotland annually exceeded in value 14,000,000 

 sterling including the price of the raw materials. 

 The value of the mineral productions, such as coal, 

 lime, iron, lead, &c., he calculated at 1,597,653, 

 6s. 8d. The fisheries he reckoned at 1,300,000, 

 and the gross produce of land at 23,261,155, 10s. 

 The rise in the amount of population in Scotland, 

 though steadily progressive since the Union, has not 

 kept pace with the increase of trade and manufac- 

 tures ; consequently the present population must 

 be much more wealthy than their predecessors 120 

 years since. In 1700, the peculation of Scotland 

 was 1,048,000 ; in 1801, the commencement of the 

 government census, it was 1,599,068; in 1811, 

 1,805,688; in 1821, 2,093,456 ; in 1831, 2,365,114; 

 and in 1841, 2,620,184, having thus doubled itself 

 by more than half a million in the space of 141 years, 

 notwithstanding the vast emigration that was con- 

 stantlygoing on tovarious parts of the world. For more 

 minute details regarding commerce and manufactures, 

 see Cotton Manufacture and Iron Manufacture; also 

 Britain, Glasgow, Paisley, Dundee, Greenock, &c. 



Political Constitution The ancient constitution 

 of tbe Scottish government is involved in doubt and 

 obscurity ; and the respective limits of the royal 

 power and that of the Highland chiefs and barons 



seem to have been so various and uncertain ns to 

 render it probable that they were liable to the in- 

 fluence of accidental circumstances. Much de- 

 pended on the personal character of those in autho- 

 rity. It was ever the policy of the wisest Scottish 

 kings to restrict the authority of their nobles, and 

 though the struggles thus occasioned were the 

 cause of much misery and bloodshed, yet this course 

 was rendered necessary by the dangerous ambition 

 and ruthless tyranny of the nobles, who often threat- 

 ened to overthrow the monarchy, and severely op- 

 pressed their vassals. In the conflicts for power, 

 some of the kings perished by the hand of violence, 

 and many of the turbulent barons became the vic- 

 tims of their own conspiracies, or the treachery of 

 others, and their order was thinned by proscrip- 

 tions, assassinations, and judicial executions. These 

 internal commotions, however, ultimately freed the 

 sovereigns from the overwhelming influence of the 

 aristocracy, and restraining the spirit of feudal op- 

 pression, made way for the introduction of order, 

 just laws, and a more tranquil administration of go- 

 vernment. The parliament of Scotland anciently 

 comprised all who held any portion of land, however 

 small, from the crown, by tenure of military ser- 

 vice, till the reign of James I., when the small 

 barons or freeholders were excused from attendance 

 in person, " two or more wise men" being deputed 

 from each county in proportion to its size. It re- 

 gulated the periods of its meeting and adjournment, 

 and the formation of committees to superintend the 

 administration when the sessions were included. 

 Its powers extended to the executive depart- 

 ments, as the appropriation of public money, and 

 the appointment of treasurers of the exchequer, the 

 levying of troops, and nomination of commanders, 

 the sending of ambassadors to foreign states, and 

 the appointment of judges and officers of state. 

 Parliament could restrain grants from the crown, or 

 alienate portions of the royal demesne ; and it as- 

 sumed the right of bestowing pardons on criminals. 

 The king did not possess even a negative authority 

 over the proceedings of this assembly, without 

 whose concurrence he could neither declare war, 

 make peace, nor transact the most important affairs 

 of the nation; and even so late as the reign of 

 James IV., the parliament pointed out to that mo- 

 narch his duty as the first servant of the people. 

 But the supreme power, though thus nominally resi- 

 dent in the parliament, was virtually in the king, 

 who by his influence often entirely controlled its 

 proceedings. The parliament in the whole con- 

 sisted of three estates, the nobility, the dignified 

 clergy, and the lesser barons, or representatives of 

 shires and burghs. The patronage of benefices gave 

 the king a complete influence over the churchmen, 

 whose numbers were equal to those of the lay 

 nobles, and among the commons a majority might 

 generally be found who were dependents of the sove- 

 reign. Every measure brought before parliament 

 was previously prepared by a committee, styled the 

 lords of the articles, chosen from each of the three 

 orders, and these by the mode of their election 

 were in effect little better than royal nominees. 

 This institution seems to have been introduced gra- 

 dually, and it is not certain when or in what man- 

 ner it originated, but there are traces of the exis- 

 tence of such a committee as early as the beginning 

 of the reign of James I. Before the Union there 

 were four great officers of state ; the lord high 

 chancellor, the high treasurer, the lord privy seal, 

 and the secretary ; and there were also four lesstr 



