CHINA. 



113 



the future. Having discovered that their far 

 Eastern policy was identical, each side expressed 

 the desire that their common policy should find 

 expression in an international contract of bind- 

 ing validity. The British Secretary of State for 

 Foreign Affairs explained that his Government 

 had been largely influenced in their decision to 

 enter into this important contract by the con- 

 viction that it contains no provisions which can 

 be regarded as an indication of aggressive or self- 

 seeking tendencies in the regions to which it 

 applies. It has been concluded purely as a meas- 

 ure of precaution, to be invoked, should occasion 

 arise, in the defense of important British inter- 

 ests. It in no way threatens the present position 

 or the legitimate interests of other powers. 



The allied governments of France and Russia 

 on March 18 sent an identical note to the powers 

 which signed the Pekin protocol of Sept. 7, 1901, 

 wherein they expressed themselves fully satisfied 

 with the Anglo-Japanese convention concluded 

 with the object of insuring the status quo and 

 general peace in the far East and of maintain- 

 ing the independence of China and Korea, which 

 are to remain open to the trade and industry of 

 all nations, finding therein an affirmation of the 

 essential principles which they themselves on 

 more than one occasion have declared to con- 

 stitute, and which remain, the basis of their pol- 

 icy. The two governments considered that re- 

 spect for these principles is at the same time a 

 guarantee for their special interests in the far 

 East. All the same, obliged as they too, on their 

 part, are to consider the case in which either 

 aggressive action of third powers or fresh trou- 

 bles in China, raising once more the question of 

 the integrity and free development of that power, 

 might become a menace to their own interests, 

 the two allied governments reserve the right to 

 consider eventually the means of insuring the 

 defense of their interests. 



The British Government suddenly changed its 

 plans with regard to Wei-Hai-Wei. The work of 

 fortification was stopped. Military and naval 

 authorities pronounced the place valueless as a 

 strategical base. The Government was trans- 

 ferred to the Colonial Office, with the intention 

 of making it a sanatorium for officers of the 

 army and navy. 



The Manchurian Agreement. Russia had 

 40,000 troops in Manchuria in the spring of 1902, 

 and the Trans-Siberian Railroad was still kept 

 busy transporting soldiers and military stores and 

 munitions to the East. When the Tungus ban- 

 dits, hlinted out of Manchuria by the Russians, 

 crossed into Mongolia and committed depreda- 

 tions in the vicinity of Jehol, the Russian troops 

 j pursued and dispersed them. The negotiations 

 regarding the evacuation of Manchuria by Rus- 

 sia, discontinued when Li-Hung-Chang died, were 

 resumed with Yung-Lu when the court returned 

 to Pekin. The Russo-Chinese Bank, which is the 

 agent of the Russian Government in railroad 

 and financial matters appertaining to Manchuria 

 and China, negotiated for exclusive railroad and 

 mining privileges in Manchuria. Secretary Hay 

 on Feb. 1 sent a note to the Russian and Chinese 

 governments protesting against such an arrange- 

 ment as constituting a monopoly which violates 

 treaties made by China with the foreign powers, 

 affecting the rights of American citizens, restrict- 

 ing their rightful trade and exposing it to being 

 discriminated against; moreover. impairing 

 China's sovereign rights and interfering with her 

 ability to meet her international obligations, 

 which would be further diminished when other 

 nations demand and obtain equal advantages in 

 VOL. XLII. 8 A 



other parts of the empire, wrecking the policy 

 of equal treatment of all nations respecting com- 

 merce and navigation; and on the other hand, 

 conflicting with the repeated assurances of the 

 Russian Government that it intended to follow 

 the policy of the open door, as advocated by the 

 Government of the United States and accepted 

 by all the treaty powers having commercial inter- 

 ests in China. The English and the Japanese 

 made representations to the Chinese Govern- 

 ment of similar purport. The Russian minister 

 satisfied the United States Government with 

 verbal assurances that the concessions were 

 sought without the knowledge of his Government, 

 and in so far as they conflicted with its avowed 

 policy of an open door in Manchuria they would 

 be vetoed. 



The Chinese Government was said to have 

 given a promise to Russia while Li-Hung-Chang 

 was conducting negotiations that if any foreign 

 military officers were to be employed to instruct 

 and drill Chinese troops in northern China they 

 should be Russian officers. The Germans urged 

 that if any foreign instructors were needed they 

 should be German officers. The Chinese states- 

 men were even more eager to build up an efficient 

 Chinese army than they were before the Boxer 

 uprising, but they were also more averse than 

 before to have foreigners in actual command of 

 any Chinese troops. Japanese military experts 

 were therefore employed as translators and in- 

 terpreters of Japanese treatises on modern mili- 

 tary science, who were also so far as needful in- 

 structors and advisers of the Chinese officers. 

 Japanese traders swarmed in Manchuria, who 

 probably served their Government at times as 

 secret agents and informers. 



Russia was willing to give up the invidious 

 privilege which the secret promise of Li-Hung- 

 Chang conferred. Accordingly M. Lessar ob- 

 tained from Prince Ching, as president of the 

 Foreign Office, a written undertaking that in fu- 

 ture no foreigners of any nationality should be 

 employed in the Peiyang, or northern Chinese, 

 naval or military forces. Yuan-Shih-Kai, who as 

 Viceroy of Pechili is commander-in-chief of the 

 Peiyang squadron and army, refused to be 

 bound by this undertaking, given without his 

 knowledge and consent. The negotiations for 

 giving exclusive mining privileges to the Russo- 

 Chinese Bank were broken off after the presenta- 

 tion of the American note. The Manchurian con- 

 vention was finally concluded and signed by M. 

 Lessar and Prince Ching and Wang-Wen-Shao 

 on April 8. The objectionable features of the 

 draft convention withdrawn by the Russian Gov- 

 ernment a year before were removed. The text 

 of the new one was submitted to the American 

 and the British and Japanese governments for 

 approval. It was admitted that the sovereignty 

 of China and the treaty rights of other nations 

 were not infringed. The first article states that 

 the Emperor of Russia, desirous of giving a 

 new proof of his love of peace and sentiments of 

 friendship for the Emperor of China, notwith- 

 standing that from different points of Manchuria 

 along the frontier first attacks were made against 

 the peaceful Russian population, consents to the 

 reestablishment of Chinese authority in Man- 

 churia, which remains an integral portion of the 

 Chinese Empire, and restores to China the right 

 to exercise sovereign and administrative powers 

 as before the occupation by Russian troops. The 

 Chinese Government in the second article agrees 

 to abide by the contract made with the Russo- 

 Chinese Bank on Aug. 27. 1890, and in conform- 

 ity therewith, on resuming possession of sover- 



