FARMERS' REGISTER, 



717 



To ilie force of tliis baleful syslem, as well as 

 to the brpviiy proper fiir an essayist, some of the 

 dof'c.cis sprinkled throiiLilioul the view i li;)vc takmi 

 ofihe political state oraffriciiliiire, ought in justice 

 to he ascribed ; and ifil li;\ils to excite the agricul- 

 turists in and out of congress to look into their 

 situation, it will only prove that the system has 

 already had its ed'ecl on the author or his readers. 

 Chartered knowledge is kept alive by its associa- 

 tions, and chartered interests advanced by frequent 

 and mature consultations. An imitation of this 

 example is the only mode of reviving agricultural 

 knowlediie, and of obiaining jusiice for agricultu- 

 ral interest. And il' the suggestion of establishing 

 agricultural societies in each congressional district, 

 for the purpose of considerinif and explaining re- 

 epecllully to congress, what does it good, and what 

 does it harm, in imitation of other interests, should 

 he adopted by agriculture, it may at least acquire 

 the capacity of distinguishing batween good and 

 evil. (Note A.) 



SLAVKRY. 



Negro slavery is a misfortune to agriculture, 

 incapable of removal and only within liie reach 

 of palliation. The state legislatures, hopeless of 

 removing ail its inconveniences, have been led by 

 their despair to sutler all ; and among them, one 

 of a magnitude sufficient to aflect deeply the pros- 

 perity of airriculture, and threaten awfully the 

 salety of the country ; I allude to the policy of in- 

 troducting by law into society, a race, or nation of 

 people between the masters and slaves, having 

 lights extrerrely different from either, called free 

 negroes and mulattoes. It is not my intention to 

 consider the peril to which this policy exposes the 

 safely of the country, by the excitement to insur- 

 rection, vviih which it perpetuall)' goads the slaves, 

 the channels for communication it alTords, and the 

 reservoir for recruits it provides. I shall only ob- 

 serve, that it was this very policy, which first 

 doomed the whites, and then the tnulattoes them- 

 selves, to the fate suffered by both in Saint Do- 

 mingo ; and which contributes greatly to an ap- 

 prehension so often exhibited. Being defined by 

 experience in that country, and by expectation in 

 this, it is unnecessary lor me to consider the poli- 

 tical consequences of this policy. 



My present object ig to notice its influence on 

 agriculture. This so entirely depends on slaves 

 in a great proportion of the union, that it must be 

 deeply aflected by whatever shall indispose them 

 to labor, render them intractable, or entice them 

 into a multitude of crimes and irregularities. A 

 free negro and mulatto class is exactly calculated 

 to effect all these ends. They live upon agricul- 

 ture as agents or brokers for disposing of stolen 

 products, and diminish its capital, both to the ex- 

 tent of these stolen products, and also to the 

 amount of the labor lost in carrying on the trade. 



They wound agriculture in the two modes of 

 being an un;)roductive class living upon it, like a 

 Btockjobber or capitalist class, and of diminishing 

 the utility of the slaves. This latier mode might 

 be extended to a multitude of particulars, among 

 which, rendering the slaves lees happy, compel- 

 ling masters to use more strictness, disgusting them 

 with agriculture itself, and greallv diminishinir 



Vor.. Vm.— 91 



their ability to increase the comforts, and of course 

 the utility of slaves, would be items deeply trench- 

 ing upon its prosperity. It is however unneces- 

 sary to prove what every agriculturist in the slave 

 slates experimentally knows, namely, that his 

 operations are greatly embarrassed, and his efforts 

 retarded, by circumstances having the class of free 

 neoToes for their cause. 



The only remedy is to get rid of it. This mea- 

 sure ought to be settled by considerations of a 

 practical moral nature, and not by a moral hypo- 

 thesis, resemblinir several mechanical inventions 

 incarcerated at Washington, beautiful and inge- 

 nious, but useless. It is substantial, not balloon 

 morality, by which the questions ought to be con- 

 sidered ; whether a severance of the free negro 

 class from the whiles and sJaves, will benefit or 

 injure either of the three classes ; or whether it 

 will benefit or injure a majority of them as consti- 

 tuting one body? The situation of the free negro 

 class is exactly calculated to force it into every 

 species of vice. Cut olf from most of the rights 

 of ciiizens, and fi-om all the allowances of slaves, 

 it is driven into every species of crime for subsist- 

 ence; and destined to a life of idleness, anxiety 

 and guilt. The slaves more widely share in its 

 guilt, than its fraudulent acquisitions. They owe 

 to it the perpetual pain of repining at their own 

 condition by having an object of comparison be- 

 fore their eyes, maj^nified by its idleness ana thefts 

 with impuiiii}', into a tempaiion the most alluring' 

 to slaves; and will eventually owe to it the con- 

 sequences of their insurrections. The whites will 

 reap also a harvest of consequences from the free 

 negro class, and throughout all their degrees of 

 rank suffer much in their morals fi-om the two 

 kinds of intercourse maintained with it. If vice 

 is misery, this middle class is undoubtedly placed 

 in a state of luisery ilselfj and contributes greatly 

 to that of the other two. The interest of virtue, 

 therefore, as well as sound policy, is allied with the 

 interest of agriculture, in recommending the pro- 

 posed severance. If it should not benefit every 

 individual of the three classes, as is probable, no 

 doubt can exist of its benefiiing a majority of each, 

 and a very great majority of the whole. No in- 

 jury, but much good to the whites and slaves is 

 perceivable in the measure. And relief from the 

 disadvantages of inferior riyhls, from the nfcessity 

 of living in a settled course of vice, and from the 

 dangers portended to it by a commotion among 

 the slaves, premises great benefits to the free ne- 

 gro class itself from a severance. 



It may be easily efTected by purchasing of con- 

 gress lands sufficient for their subsistence in states 

 where slavery is not allowed, and giving them the 

 option of removing to those lands, or emigrating 

 wherever they please. Perhaps both the national 

 safely and prosperity would justify a harsher mea- 

 sure. To advance both by bestowing rewards, 

 cannot be severe, unjust or illiberal. 



At least it will be admitted by those acquainted 

 with the subject, that the prosperity of agriculiuro 

 is considerably influenced by the circumstances al- 

 luded to in this number. 



Societies are instituted to control and diminish 

 the imperli'ctions of human nature, because with- 

 out them it generates ignorance, savagentss and 

 depravity of manners. Those best constituted, 

 cannot however cure it of a disposition to com- 

 mand, and to live by the labor of others; it is 



