The Review of Reviews. 



February, 1912. 



anv other reflects the political \ie\vs of the people. 

 Probably n motion like this will not ap])ear on 

 future agenda pajjers. It is not a good thing to 

 achertise the fact that one is not willing to do 

 manifestly good and fair things. The Conference 

 also decided that only re.5olutions that had pas.sed 

 the State Councils would in future be allowed on 

 the ofiicia! list for discussion. At the recent confer- 

 -ence resolutions were received from any Council. 

 Some of them expressed the wishes of the party in 

 plain and unequi\ocal language and were therefore 

 unwelcome. Some of them were too silly to be con- 

 sidered by the conference. 



Mr. Fisher seems to be floundering 



Savings Banks with regard to his Savings Banks 



Proposals. .scheme. It is true that it passed 



the House without much opposition 

 from his own side, but then anything can be put 

 through with a dutiful and obedient following. But 

 ■outside opposition has been tremendous, and no 

 •wonder, even from those Governments that are 

 governed by Lalwur, like New South Wales, South 

 Australia and West Australia. The rea.son is that 

 there is no warrant for this high-handed proposal. 

 Here are institutions that are doing splendid work, 

 and against which absolutely nothing can be urged, 

 .and yet the Federal Government in a piratical 

 fashion attempts to grab their business. That is 

 not a [)leasant term to use, and it grates on one's 

 literary sensibilities, but it is w'hat the action of the 

 Government amounts to. Now, seeing that the States 

 are objecting to be robbed in this graceless fashion, 

 Mr. Fisher conies forward with a proposal that the 

 States should hand over the banks, and that the 

 Federal Government .should allow them seventy-five 

 per cent, of new business for loans. What a 

 specious proposal I It would mean that Mr. Fisher 

 would ha\e prosjierous and growing concerns to work 

 on instead of launching out into an unknown sea. 



What would Mr. Fisher think if. 

 What the instead of having an assured salarv. 



Proposal Means. (,„,ne bad or good times, he ran 

 a business, a prosperous business, 

 conducted on such gtwd lines that no one could 

 cavil at it, g<xxl wages being paid, good conditions 

 being observed, a business that in every way was a 

 Lenefit to the community, with no suggestion of 

 monopoly or anv other unholy thing. But there 

 comes along a jjcrson who intends to become a com- 

 j)etitor, a person with big resources behind him, and 

 ^vith opportunities to cut the ground from under Mr. 

 Fisher's feet. Mr. Fisher promptly and vigorously 

 objects, when the new comj)etitor informs him that 

 he is going to be snuffed out anyhow, but that if 

 he doesn't like entering uix>n a big battle, he 

 can surrend<'r his right anil title in the concern in 

 •considi'ration of being i)aid a share of the profits. 

 That is what the proposal of Mr. Fishir amounts 



to, but Mr P'ishcr as ,1 private person lighting for 

 his business would be a very difterent man to Mr. 

 Fisher, Prime Minister, grabbing the States' legiti- 

 mate business. The fact is that the States have 

 catered splendidlv for the people, and in most cases 

 they supjjly the funds to the Governments for deve- 

 lopmental works. Here again the State Labour 

 Governments come into conflict with the Federal 

 Labour Party, which sa\s die decision of the Hobart 

 Conference is I'ln.il. And the Holiart Conference 

 declared in favour of Federal Saxings Banks. 



But the Premiers were against Mr. 

 No _ Fisher's jiropo.sal. They could not 



Contiderice. stand quietly by and see the work 

 of vears swept awa\ without fight- 

 ing for their rights. If the F'ederal Government 

 gave some local control to the Stales in the matiage- 

 ment of the bank, the situation would be altered. 

 But Mr. P'isher would not do that. He might, he 

 said, appoint State committees, but they would be 

 merely advisorv. The manager of the bank would 

 be supreme in auth<Tity. The greatest element 

 of dissatisfaction lies in the fact that if some such 

 arrangement were made, there would lie the most 

 glorious uncertainty as to whether faith would be 

 kept with the public. The Federal Government's 

 trickiness over the amount of gold reserve to be kepi 

 against the note issue does not give one confidence 

 in accepting their assurances. 



The Premiers' Conference was held 

 A Compromise during the last week of January, 

 Necessary, g,-,^ fi^^, question came up for dis- 

 cussion. They recognised that 

 something in t.lie nature of a compromise was neces- 

 sary. When a stronger hand makes demands upon 

 vou that it can enforce, something has to be con- 

 ceded if one would retain existence. And the posi- 

 tion resolves it.self into this. If the States do 

 not accept Mr. Fisher's peremptorv projiosals, the 

 Commonwealth will enter as a .strong competitor in 

 Savings Banks business, and as it has control of the 

 po.st offices, and the people have become accustomed 

 to use the.se facilities, it is natural that the Common- 

 (vealth will get a good deal of the business. If they 

 do accept them, they surrender their authority and a 

 big slice of their profits. Under the circumstances, 

 therefore, a coni]iromise is clearly the (Hily thing. 

 State and Commonwealth cut-throat (X)mpetition 

 would present a sorry spectacle. Mr. Watt was for 

 accepting the situation in a fighting spirit, trusting to 

 the jieople's sen.se of justice to give the States tri- 

 umph in a contest with the Federation. One can- 

 not but admire his spirit. It is the one that appeals 

 to everyone who resents, unjust domination. But 

 the States would lose simply because the public has 

 a bad memory, and as a whole has little concern 

 for the niceties of justice, provided it is not incon- 

 venienced. In this case States .uid Feck'ration 



