Leading Articles in the Reviews. 



589 



DEMOCRACY IN GERMANY. 

 Pi.EA KOk A National Labour Party. 



.AuBRtCHT Graf zv Stoi.rer(^\Vkrxigerode 

 contributes to the Deutsche Rnttf for November a 

 plea for the formation of a National Labour Party in 

 Germany, not merely to weaken the influence of the 

 Social Democratic Party, but possibly to take its 

 place. 



POLITICAL EQUALITY DEMANDED. 



The Count begins by explaining how Bismarck in 

 1871 gave the working classes tiieir present measure 

 of enfranchisement, how rapidly these newly created 

 politicil forces advanced, and how Pismarck alienated 

 them again by his Socialist laws. Hut the repeal of 

 these laws alone could not undo the harm which had 

 been wrought, so the next thing was the Imperial 

 Message of i88i — anotlier blunder, because, being 

 economic in its nature, it was but a sort of com- 

 promise. There is no way to undo a political wrong, 

 says the writer, except by political action giving more 

 rights. That the method adopted was a mistake is 

 clear enough today. The working classes are more 

 discontented than ever, not so much because their 

 economic interests are not properly looked after as 

 that they are excluded from direct parlicipation in 

 the life of the State equally with other classes of 

 citizens. When this due partici[jation in the aflairs 

 of the State has been attained, the economic struggle, 

 the struggle between workers and employers, will not 

 come to an end, but it will cease to be a purely 

 political and dangerous one, such as we have now, 

 and which might easily bring about a revolution. 



W 1>1. TO ACKNOWLEDGE THE INEVIIAllLE. 



Political equality, however, is only a question of 

 time. It is coming surely enough, and the problem 

 is, what will be the attitude adopted towards it? 

 Nothing can stop the desire of the working classes to 

 take part in politics, and indeed it would be folly to 

 think of arresting it. It ought rather to be furthered 

 in every possible way. With every extension of the 

 franchise, those already enfranchised have always 

 believed that the results would be disastrous, but 

 everyone knows they were wrong. When the working 

 classes get their due politically the same fears will 

 probably be expressed again. Hut instead of disaster 

 being brought on the nation things will go forward, 

 asserts the writer. The State cannot achieve any 

 lasting success till all its citizens have a voice in all 

 its institutions. It were therefore wise foresight to 

 acknowledge now what must come inevitably. 

 ' Hitherto Germany has been cjuite wrong in her 

 methods towards the Labour movement, 'i'he move- 

 ment must not be suppressed, but fostered. The less 

 influential a class is economically the more need it 

 1 has of a parly to rejiresent its interests. It will be 

 j said the Fatherland comes before party. But to the 

 working classes are not their interests those of the 



Fatherland .' In the present parties they only exist on 

 sufferance. 



WHAT CONSTITUTES STATESMANSHIP. 



It was no wonder that the working classes in 

 Germany, after having been excluded so long from 

 political rights, came to think more of their rights 

 than of their duties to the State as soon as they got a 

 little power. It is the duty of the parties to train 

 this new force. The writer then goes on to say that 

 no great statesman works only with his own party, 

 but carries his measures with the help of all parties, 

 making concessions on all sides, and leaving no 

 section of the people unconsidered. But that does 

 not imply that a party does not sometimes vote 

 against a measure. In proof of his general statement 

 the writer instances Bismarck, Biilow, and England. 

 Bismarck's great success with his social measures was 

 to a large extent due to his getting nearly all parties 

 to co-oiierate with him, and Biilow was successful till 

 1907 for a similar reason, .^s to England, the writer 

 thinks the country has not made the advance she 

 ought to have done, because of her party system of 

 government. 



A GREAT NATIONAL LABOUR UNION. 



While the Count agrees in theory that all parties 

 should work together, in practice he fears it would be 

 hopeless to get the Social' Democrats to co-operate 

 with other parties. It is indeed because it seems 

 impossible to change the Social Democratic Party that 

 he desires to pave the nay for a new National Labour 

 Parly to represent in entirety the interests of the 

 working classes. As a party, if it would carry weight 

 and be strong, must stand for some important principle, 

 the great principle of the Labour Party must be 

 economic, and as the Social Democratic Party 

 attracted followers to its views by creating free trade 

 unions and uniting its members economically, a great 

 national trade union should be founded as a prepara- 

 tion for the new party, not new trade unions beside 

 the existing old ones, but one great new national 

 union. Nowadays forces are too much scattered. 

 The colossal power of the free trade unions comes 

 from the fact that they are united in aim. The trade 

 unions which are not free have little power, because 

 their aims are different and each goes its own way. 

 The first business is to unite all the trade unions 

 which are not free, and on this stock graft the 

 National Labour Party. .As the new party grows 

 the Social Democratic Party will be weakened. The 

 most pressing duty to-day, the writer concludes, is to 

 get the workers brought into the State machinery. 

 Throughout the article he refers to the workers as if 

 they were all men. What about the eight or nine 

 millions of working women in Germany, more than 

 half of whom earn their living in connection with 

 agriculture, an occupation which the men have 

 largely forsaken ? Would not the Count's i)roposed 

 National Labour Union be as one-sided as parly 

 government ? 



