DESPATCHES, REPORTS, CORRESPONDENCE, ETC. 271 



show more clearly their opinion of the nature of the shelter secured 

 to the American fishermen. 



The general views of Messrs. Rush and Gallatin are shown in the 

 following extract from their report, and I introduce it because it has 

 an important bearing upon the whole subject before us: 



Messrs. Gallatin and Rmh to the Secretary of State, October 20, J818, 



It will also be perceived that we insisted on the clause by which the United 

 States renounced their right to the fisheries relinquished by the Convention, 

 that clause having been omitted in the first British counter-projet. We insisted 

 on it with the view 1st. Of preventing any implication that the fisheries 

 secured to us were a new grant, and of placing the permanence of the rights 

 secured and of those renounced precisely on the same footing. 2d. Of its being 

 expressly stated that our renunciation extended only to the distance of three 

 miles from the coast. This last point was the more important, as, with the ex- 

 ception of the fishery in open boats within certain harbours, it appeared from 

 the communication above-mentioned that the fishing-ground on the whole coast 

 of Nova Scotia is more than three miles from the shores; whilst, on the con- 

 trary, it is almost universally close to the shore on the coast of Labrador. It is 

 in that point of view that the privilege of entering the ports for shelter is useful, 

 and it is hoped that with that provision a considerable portion of the actual 

 fisheries on that coast (of Nova Scotia) will, notwithstanding the renunciation, 

 be preserved. 



Now, Sir, it appears to me, on a careful review of this whole ques- 

 tion, that the conduct of England is equally unfriendly and unjust. 

 Indeed, I find it difficult I might almost say impossible to ascer- 

 tain her true motive or the length to which she is prepared to go; and 

 more especially so, since her Government at home and her officers 

 abroad have heralded her proceedings to the world, the instructions 

 of the Secretary of State and the orders of the Admiral having been 

 fully communicated through the medium of the press, and are now 

 on their way through Christendom. Where her prudence, after these 

 disclosures, will prompt her to stop, or how far in this dangerous 

 career her pride, or whatever other motive dictates her course, may 

 impel her onward. I am at a loss to conjecture. Nations, before they 

 take such ground, and take it so openly, should be very sure of their 

 rights, and fixed in their determination to maintain theM. Mr. Mon- 

 roe was equally puzzled in 1815, under not dissimilar circumstances, 

 and I commend to attention the remarks in his letter to Mr. Adams 

 of July 21 of that year. 



It can scarcely be presumed that the British Government, after the result of 

 the late experiment, in the present state of Europe, and under its other engage- 

 ments, can seriously contemplate a renewal of hostilities. But it often happens 

 with nations, as well as with individuals, that a just estimate of its interests 

 and duties is not an infallible criterion of its conduct. We ought to be prepared 

 at every point to guard against such an event. Yon will be attentive to circum- 

 stances, and give us timely notice of any danger which may be menaced. 



When the honourable Senators from Maine and Massachusetts [Mr. HAMLIN 

 and Mr. DAVIS] attributed the course <>f England in this matter to a design to 

 effect a reciprocity arrangement for her colonies by a manifestation of energy 

 and display of force, I could not concur with them at all in the opinion. I 

 thought it was impossible that England would hazard such an experiment upon 

 our forbearance, not to say timidity. I could not believe that any British 

 161 statesman could so far mistake our national character as to suppose that 

 such a course would extort our consent to any measure, whether obnox- 

 ious or not. I thought we had lived in the world so long, and grown to be one of 

 its great Powers, under circumstances so often requiring energy and resolution, 

 that no nation would regulate its demands against us upon the presumption, even 

 if they were made with boldness, they would be granted with the alacrity of fear. 



