62 APPENDIX TO BRITISH COUNTER CASE. 



which that court thinks fit to encumber America in the negotiation for 

 a peace, although she was never benefited by their assistance during 

 the war. When this point shall have been reasoned and understood 

 I cannot help flattering myself that it will appear upon the face of 

 the thing unreasonable and intolerable to any honest American, that 

 they having gained the point for which they contested should volun- 

 tarily and unnecessarily submit to all the calamities of war without 

 an object, till all the Powers in Europe shall have settled all the 

 various claims and differences which they may have one with the 

 other, and in which it is not even pretended that America has >any 

 interest whatever either near or remote. You will not fail to press 

 Mr. Franklin's own idea, that the object of the treaty of Alliance with 

 France being attained, the treaty determines to which, if that gentle- 

 man should adhere, we may fairly consider one of the ends of your 

 mission as attained. 



As to the good faith which is supposed to be pledged by Congress 

 to France not to make a separate peace, I think it can only be under- 

 stood that Congress is bound not to enter into any treaty separately 

 or without the knowledge and consent of France, but surely not that, 

 when a general peace is proposed, Congress is bound to support every 

 claim set up by the Court of Versailles and her allies, which would 

 be a kind of engagement that never was, I believe, entered into by 

 any State at any time. It has often been stipulated between two allied 



Powers that one shall not make peace till the other has attained 

 39 some specific object named in the treaty, but that one country 



should bind herself to another to make war till her ally shall 

 be satisfied with respect to all the claims she may think fit to set up, 

 claims undefined and perhaps unthought of at the time of making 

 the engagement, would be a species of treaty as new, I believe, as it 

 would be monstrous. If this view of the thing should produce the 

 effects you seem inclined to hope from it, I need not observe to you 

 how greatly all the advantages of a separate peace would be increased 

 by the late events in the West Indies; but I have the satisfaction to 

 assure you that those events have in no degree abated His Majesty's 

 . most ardent and sincere desire for a general pacification, and I con- 

 cur with you in your conjecture that the extravagance of the French 

 expectations arises chiefly from the support they expect from Amer- 

 ica, and consequently will be considerably abated whenever they see 

 reason to fear the loss of that support; so that if things should take 

 a right turn with respect to the American agents, the best road may 

 probably be opened to a general as well as a separate peace. I send 

 you inclosed last night's " Gazette," containing an account of two 

 more ships of the line and one frigate which Sir Samuel Hood has 

 taken from the enemy. I am commanded by His Majesty to direct 

 you to communicate with Mr. Oswald with the greatest freedom and 

 openness upon the concerns of your mission, which are connected 

 more and more every day with the business of America. With 

 respect to Mr. Franklin if he continues in those friendly dispositions 

 which your letter and Mr. Oswald's account seem to indicate the more 

 confidence you show to him, the better chance there will be of bringing 

 this business either in one way or in the other to a successful issue. 



I am, Sir, &c. 



