214 APPENDIX TO BEITISH COTJKTEB OASB. 



himself a great statesman, he had certainly proved himself a good 

 Christian, for he had not only parted with his cloak to America, but 

 had given her his coat likewise. Not thinking the naked independ- 

 ence a sufficient proof of his liberality to the United States, he had 

 clothed it with the warm covering of our fur trade, and had given 

 them an extensive boundary with the cession of the fishery, of 

 Charles-Town, New-York, Long Island, Penobscot, and all that va- 

 riety of forts so accurately described by the noble Lord in the blue 

 ribbon 



Lord Mtdgrave .... 



When he came to speak on the treaty with the United States, he 

 declared that it was, if possible, still more liable to objection, be- 

 cause America had less power to force her requisitions. He next came 

 to the article respecting the loyalists, which he said he never could 

 regard but as a lasting monument of national disgrace. Nor was 

 this article, in his opinion, more reproachful and derogatory 

 to the honour and gratitude of Great Britain than it appeared to be 

 wanton and unnecessary. Had we not enough of America in our 

 hands to have compelled Congress to have done justice to that un- 

 fortunate description of men, who had almost a right to expect we 

 should have continued the war, rather than have abandoned them ? 



Mr. Secretary Townshend said, .... 



That the treaty had not proceeded upon narrow-minded principles 

 on our part, he was ready to admit, and he trusted that the House in 



jneral would agree, that as it was obviously the interest of Great 

 ritain to establish as close a commercial connection as possible be- 

 tween this country and the United States, it became the peculiar duty 

 of Ministers so to settle the treaty, that there should not appear in it 

 anything illiberal, or expressive of anxiety in Great Britain, to keep 

 back anything the United States might justly expect. With regard 

 to the observation of the noble Lord in the blue ribbon, that the 

 Americans being no longer British subjects, had no longer a right to 

 the fishery which they had formerly enjoyed, he hoped to God that 

 sort of distinction would never be made, but that we should continue 

 to consider the Americans as our brethren, and give them as little 

 reason as possible to feel that they were not British subjects. But 

 that matter out of the question, how were we to prevent the Americans 

 from fishing as they used to do, or why should we desire it? The 

 produce of their fisheries might in a manner be deemed the American 

 staple, and what detriment could their still enjoying it possibly do to 

 Great Britain ? We never sent out our ships till about June, and the 

 American fishery was principally carried on in March. Unless there- 

 fore it was thought of so much consequence as to warrant our keeping 

 an armed force constantly upon the station, it would be morally impos- 

 sible for us to prevent it He next adverted to the boundaries, the 

 extensiveness of which he defended on arguments of general policy 

 and particular necessity. By the different charters he showed that 

 the different provinces had various degrees of extent towards the 

 northward, particularly Virginia; and as to the line drawn by the 

 statute book for Canada, to which the noble Lord had alluded, a very 

 little reflection surely would suffice to convince every gentleman that 

 the attempting to enforce that line would have irritated America, 

 and revived that spirit of resentment, which it was now our business 

 to quiet The statute in question was the Quebec Act, passed in 1774, 



