466 



The Review of Reviews. 



territorial expansion in Asia as cakulatcd to weaken 

 Russia's position in the Near East and Europe, unless 

 it be really precious and indispensable, M. Sazonoff 

 added : — 



I fail lo perceive grounds forcible enouj»h to compel us to 

 admit thai the annexation of Northern Mongolia would be 

 beneficial to us. Our interests require only that in conter- 

 minous Mongolia there should be no strong military State. 

 Thanks to the neighbourhood of the Mongolians, our Siberian 

 frontier is better protected than if we built fortresses along it, 

 and stationed formidable garrisons there. 



Russia's polity in Asia would seem inevitably to tend 

 towards the disruption of China, nor would it be sur- 

 prising if Japan were to adopt a similar policy towards 

 the untried Chinese republic. 



The past month has seen two 

 Great Britain remarkable statements as to the 

 World Power. great role which this country is 

 called upon to play in world 

 politics at the present time. P'irst, we would mention 

 the declaration of the Spanish Minister of Foreign 

 Affairs relative to the Franco-Spanish negotiations 

 about Morocco. " The friendly support of the British 

 Ambassador," he saicl, " for which the country owes 

 him a debt of gratitude, will contribute to bringing 

 about a result as quickly as possible." Still more 

 remarkable was the statement made by M. Miliukoff, 

 in the Russian Duma. The cadet leader said that the 

 suppressed antagonism of Great Britain and Germany 

 was the axis around which turned the whole policy of 

 the world. World-policy had entered upon a new 

 phase; owing to England's direct intervention Germany 

 had been obliged to moderate her pretensions. That 

 had been enough to protect the peace of Europe. A 

 truly remarkable argument in support of the peaceful 

 effect of a policy of " two keels to one ! " 



That this country should play a 



Wanted, , ^ '. . ^ ' .' , 



More Interest dommant part in international 



'" politics is very gratifying, but we 



Foreign Affairs. ' ,,. ■ X ^ -t t *u 



should imagine that, if for no other 

 reason than national pride, the people generally should 

 pay closer attention to foreign affairs. When, with the 

 loss of Calais, England lost her last foothold on the 

 Continent, we lost touch with the ideas and conditions 

 on the mainland, and from that time forward internal 

 affairs have quite eclipsed events beyond the Channel. 

 That little strip of tumbling brine, which is worth to 

 England the annual interest on a thousand millions 

 sterling, has also washed out romplelely public interest 

 in foreign affairs. The nation is wrapt up in home 

 politics, much as a too absorbed cook who tends her 

 kitchen fire, quite oblivious that the house next door 

 is burning, and that sparks are falling on her own 

 roof. 



And yet there is enough reason for 



Troublous Times interest, not to say for anxiety. 



In Sight. The international atmosphere is 



electric with dangerous forces and 

 menaces. There is the Turkish-Itahan war continuing, 

 threatening at any moment to burst the limits within 

 which the Powers would confine it. Germany, the only 

 other deciding world factor, necessarily sore from hei 

 recent lack of success, is increasing her army and her 

 navy, while we have yet to learn what will be the effect 

 upon her of the fact that Italy by waging war has 

 practically eliminated her Socialists as a political 

 factor. France is seething with new vigour and new 

 patriotic ideals, ready to take offence at anything 

 seeming likely to fail to realise the greatness of the 

 French nation. The Triple Alliance has been renewed, 

 Italy having secured better conditions, and thus we 

 see Germany, Austria, Italy, and Roumania bound 

 together for a long term of years. The continued con- 

 struction of Dreadnoughts in the Mediterranean 

 menaces our route to the Suez Canal, while forcing us 

 to contemplate division of our fleets. The Balkan 

 States are straining at the leash; Austria and Hungary 

 continue their bickerings ; while the latter continues 

 to suppress the non-Magyar races. Troops are massing 

 here and massing there. There are rumours of secret 

 understandings and treaties — everything is possible. 

 China is in the melting-pot ; Persia seems becoming 

 hopelessly broken up ; Mexico and Morocco are both in 

 a disturbed state. What more troublous times can be 

 sought for in order to see the need of a knowledge of 

 foreign affairs } And yet there reigns an absolute indif- 

 ference, an ignorance which cannot be stigmatised as 

 comparative because it is superlative. 



In the recently published memoirs 

 Balance of Power of Signor Crispi we find a most 



^ „ .,'" interesting exchange of views re-" 



the Mediterranean. , , , , , ,. 



corded between the Italian states- 

 man and Lord Salisbury. We may be excused if 

 we reproduce some lines here, since they show that 

 at one time the idea of an alliance between Italy 

 and this country was contemplated. They also show 

 clearly how it was that Italy in occupying Tripoli 

 believed that it was approved by England, and was 

 astounded at the outcry which immediately arose. 

 Crispi wrote to the British Foreign Secretary on the 

 question of the I'Yench occupation of Tunis, and 

 hinted at the probability that Tripoli would follow 

 Tunis : — 



In this case one Power .ilonc would dominate Northern 

 Africa from Morocco lo Egypt, and this Power would control 

 the freedom of the Mediterranean. As for Italy, she would be 

 permanently menaced by France, and Malta and ICgypt would 



