5o6 



The Review of Reviews. 



a repuMic. The eighteen provinces alone are 

 enormous, and the means of communication are 

 extremely poor. There are only 2,700 miles of rail- 

 ways : — 



A candidate for the presidency of China might require at 

 least three years for a campaign tour, if he cared to visit every 

 important town of the country. 



Again, there is a great difference ,in speech, characteristics, 

 even customs and manners, among the Chinese of different 

 localities. So numerous and difl'crenl are the languages and 

 dialects spoken within the confines of the Middle Kingdom that, 

 as has been humorously said, they can furnish a new tongue 

 for every day of the year. And there are such contradictions 

 and inconsistencies in the institutions of different sections of 

 China that a wit has said, " One never can tell the truth about 

 China without telling a lie at the same time." This hack of 

 homogeneity in speech, character, and institutions among the 

 t^hinese is not necessarily an impassable barrier to the adoption 

 of a republic, but must inevit.ibly act as a great drawback. 



THE POVERTY OF THE PEOPLE. 



The third great problem seems to Professor lyenaga 

 to be, " Ai-e the Chinese prepared to operate a 

 republic ? " and the answer is a decided negative : — 



China is far from being adequately equipped with the organs 

 of public opinion necessary to run the machinery of a republi- 

 can government for her peoples. 



Another difficulty in the path of the republicans is the 

 extreme poverty of the Chinese masses. It is not a pleasant task 

 for a Japanese, whose country itself is hard pressed by lack of 

 wealth, to point out the poverty of the Chinese mosses. It is, 

 nevertheless, true that China's millions are to-day barely keep- 

 ing themselves alive. The average wage of a day labourer is 

 from three to six pence. And fortunate would it be if all of 

 China's millions could get this pitt.ance. 



ONLY ONE PER CENT. WITH MODERN TRAINING. 



Following the ideas of the leaders of the revolution, 

 we find that they believe that " it is a middle class 

 which really governs a democratic country." It is 

 of interest to see what proportion of the Chinese 

 people has received modern training. Taking the 

 iaroadest view, the writer concludes that : — 



If we count the so-called middle or educated chass, capable of 

 running a republic, as numbernig four millions, we might 

 perhaps not be making too broad a guess. 



And as .Archibald Colquhoun puts it: "The proportion of 

 foreign-trained ami educated is a mere drop in theibucket in the 

 four hundred millions of China's estimated population." Can 

 that drop leaven the whole mass ? Can a republic be run by a 

 ])cople of whom but I per cent, is educated in the art of its 

 government ? 



The writer is not asserting that the Chinese are an ignorant, 

 illiterate people. Far from it. They have developed a wonder- 

 ful liter.iture of their own, and the standard of their literacy is 

 not below that of some modern nations. What he would em- 

 phasise here is a small ])roportion of tliose who are versed in the 

 new learning ; anrl that this is the only jiortion which is of any 

 avail in the working of a republican form of government. 



A REPUBLIC NOT BORN IN A DAY. 



Professor lyenaga concludes his able article appro- 

 priately enough with a query. .Mtcr saying that " for 

 Ciiina it matters not what kind of label she shall put 

 nil her government." he continues thus : " The truth 

 tcmains — China cannot be tnelamorphosod by a 



miracle within a twinkling of the eye. It is against 

 the law of evolution " : — 



In the case of China, just as a republic is not necessarily the 

 panacea for all evils, so is an imbecile monarchy to be con- 

 demned. The imperious need for her is the establishment of a 

 strong central government, whether Kepublican or Monarchical, 

 which will, if need be, with ruthless hand, give peace, order 

 and unity to the distracted country. Can a republic succeed in 

 doing this, and so justify its existence? 



THE UPRISING OF A NATION. 



The Hindustan Review finds room for a notable 

 survey of " The Chinese Revolt," by Mr. Adachi 

 Kinnosuke, who answers the leading question, What 

 do the Chinese want ? by the simple answer : " They 

 are empty of stomach ; downright hungry, starved, 

 and they want to eat." And again, " The Chinese are 

 willing to work. The}' do work. The soil of their country 

 gives them fair returns for their labour. With them 

 every prospect pleases^ only the rottenness of official 

 administration is vile," and, to cut a long story short, 

 the Dynasty must go. The Chinese have been accused 

 of a lack of patriotism, but Nationalism is a vital 

 force, claiming the adhesion of soldiers, students and 

 peasants. The writer shows very clearly that this is 

 no manufactured revolution ; the conditions call for 

 revolt, and with or without leaders, the revolution 

 must run its course. Foreign influences are at work, 

 and the example of Japan is a governing factor in the 

 situation. Mr. Kinnosuke says : — 



The student class of Young China — more especially those 

 who have studied abroad — is among the noisiest and most 

 enthusiastic of the revolutionists. It is unwise to speak lightly 

 of them. For out of this class will come many a Chinese 

 Gambetta and Ito. They are the martyrs and apostles of the 

 New China to come. At Tokyo, since the Chinese War, wc 

 have had from three to twenty thousand students every year at 

 various schools. They have come and gone back to their homes 

 in the eighteen provinces, and practically every mother's son of 

 them is a cheerful, reckless, vociferous, flaming torch for the 

 revolutionary movement. 



This survey was probably written some time ago, 

 but the events of the past few months serve to confirm 

 the fact that tha-Chinese revolt is due to economic 

 pressure, and not to the machinations of evil-minded 

 politicians. The planning of an artificial revolution 

 over such a vast area would be well-nigh impossible, 

 judging from the futile efforts of revolutionaries 

 nearer home. In conclusion, Mr. Kinnosuke 

 asks : — 



And what of the future ? Tlu^re are two paths before China. 

 If the mrderates win, then we shall see a constitutional stale 

 with parliament and a responsible cabinet. Both the constitu- 

 tion and the immediate convocation of the parliament after the 

 British pattern, have been gr.antcd by the edict of October 30, 

 igil. .And a mere band of fi.ooo soldiirs at I.anchau will pass 

 into history as the father of ilie first limited monarchy in China. 

 If they fail and the radicals win, w)iy, then we shall be treated 

 to something re.ally new under the siin— a rcpulilic on the clas^i^ 

 soil of the most ancient empires existent to-day. 



