5^4 



NATURE 



[July 



1920 



these fungi may assist in the destruction, no proof 

 was obtained that this took place without the presence 

 of Macrosporium and Stemphylium. The fungi grew 

 well on Sabouraud's medium and on ordinary agar. 



According to the author, the first signs of fungoid 

 growth appear on the inner side of the roof portions 

 of tents and marquees. Often within three months 

 pressure on the spots made by the fungi leads to per- 

 foration, or a strong wind causes tearing. 



Cotton and linen duck-canvases ready for tent-mak- 

 ing were examined, but, though the flax fibres were in 

 good condition, brown mycelium was found more or 

 less in abundance. It is suggested that the fungi 

 reach and begin growth during the retting of the 

 flax, though they may be present on the growing 

 plant. Mycelium was not found on new cotton-made 

 canvas, and "this is not surprising when its method 

 of preparation is studied." It is not, however, prob- 

 able that the infection of linen canvas is restricted to 

 the period of retting. Gu^guen (Nature, vol. xcix., 

 19 17, p. 206) was of the opinion that fungi from the 

 dead stems of the textile plant were introduced 

 amongst the fibres. This might account for their 

 absence from new cotton-made canvas, but there is 

 little doubt that both linen and cotton canvas often 

 become infected after having been made up. 



Experiments showed that the Willesden (cupram- 

 monium) method and cutch treatment prevented the 

 growth of the fungi. A method suggested by Prof. 

 Pinoy (soft soap i in 5000 solution, followed by a 

 mixture of i per cent, of alum and CuSOJ greatly 

 inhibited the growth, and its extended employment in 

 Malta gave very satisfactory results. Mango-treated 

 canvas was in no way inhibitive. 



No mention is made as to whether the " cutch " was 

 the ordinary commercial cutch (product of Acacia, 

 etc.) or whether it was sodium' chromate, which was 

 used in certain areas. In Salonika this was found 

 the best preventive for "diamond spot" on com- 

 parison with Gu^guen's and Pinoy's treatments, and 

 was at the same time a satisfactory camouflage. 



j. Ramsbottom. 



The Economic Pursuits of the Trobriand 

 Islanders. 



A T a meeting of the Royal Anthropological Institute 

 -^^ held on Tuesday, June i, Mr. S. H. Ray, vice- 

 president, in the chair, Dr. B. Malinowski read a paper 

 on " The Economic Pursuits of the Trobriand Islanders." 

 In his opening remarks Dr. Malinowski criticised the 

 methods usually followed by observers in dealing with 

 the economics of primitive peoples. Whereas it was 

 usually held that such peoples were preoccupied solely 

 with obtaining an adequate individual food supply, he 

 had found that, at any rate among the peoples which 

 had come under his observation, there was a highly 

 complex economic organisation. In support of his 

 view he described the economic system of the natives 

 of Kiriwina or the Trobriand Islands, lying to the 

 north of easternmost New Guinea. These natives are 

 very efficient and industrious tillers of the soil. Agri- 

 cultural production is highly organised, being based 

 upon two social forces : the power of the chief and 

 the influence of magic. The chief is overlord of the 

 garden-land, and initiates in each season the allotment 

 of garden-plots to individuals and settles any disputes 

 about garden-land ; he finances any communal work 

 to which the natives resort when clearing the bush, 

 planting the yams, and bringing to the gardens the 

 big, heavv poles used in connection with magical rites. 

 On the other hand, the traditional erarden magician 

 controls the detailed proceedings of the work and 

 performs ma?ical rites at each stage. 

 NO, 2644, VOL. 105] 



There are several customary forms of communal 

 work. An interesting institution of ceremonial enter- 

 prise, called Kayasa, is applied to gardening, fishing, 

 oversea expeditions, and industrial activities, as well 

 as to tribal sports, games, and dancing. Such a 

 period of communal work is announced by the chief, 

 who gives a big feast, which is followed during the 

 continuation of the work by periodical distributions of 

 food. Fishing, the building of houses and canoes, and 

 other economic activities are based upon organisations 

 similar to that of gardening. All are dependent upon 

 the social power of the chief and the influence of the 

 respective magician. 



The distribution of the products is as highly 

 organised as the production. The producer receives 

 a certain portion, but a considerable part is used for 

 the financing of big- tribal enterprises through the 

 chief, and another part is transformed into permanent 

 wealth. By various tributes, dues, and ofi"erings the 

 chief collects about 30-50 per cent, of the tribal wealth, 

 and he is the only member of the community who is 

 allowed on a large scale to transform it into permanent 

 wealth. This he does by keeping a number of indus- 

 trial workers dependent on himself, who. for payment 

 in food, produce polished "ceremonial" axe-blades, 

 neck-strings of red shell discs, and arm-shells made of 

 the conus shell, which are of very high value in the 

 eyes of the natives, form the foundation of certain 

 kinds of native trade, and are an indispensable feature 

 of the social ortjanisation of the natives. Everv im- 

 portant transaction, whether ceremony or magical rite, 

 birth, death, or marriage, has to be accompanied bv 

 p-ift and counter-gift. These are arranged, as a rule, 

 so that while one party gives a substantial present of 

 food, the other offers one of the tokens of native 

 wealth, such as a ceremonial axe-blade, an arm-shell, 

 or a string of shell discs. The powers of the chief are 

 larjjelv exercised through economic means. In inter- 

 tribal affairs the chief backs up with gifts his summons 

 to arms of his vassals, and the conclusion of peace 

 after hostilitie?; and the same method of remunera- 

 tion was followed when, in his narrower jurisdiction, 

 direct punishment was meted out by ordering a special 

 henchman to kill the offender or by calling upon a 

 sorcerer to cast an evil spell on the victim. In both 

 cases pavment for the service was made in native 

 tokens of wealth. These tokens of wealth have some- 

 times been desis?nated by the term "monev," but 

 rather they represent stored-up wealth. Although a 

 basketful of vams, a set of four coconuts, or a bundle 

 of taro is, to a great extent, the common measure of 

 value, there is no article among these peoples which, 

 properly speaking, fulfils the function of a medium of 

 exchange. 



Two of these tokens of wealth, the arm-shells and 

 the necklaces of shell beads, are used for a remark- 

 able form of trade, called by the natives X«Za, which 

 embraces a ring of islands and archipelagoes lying Jo 

 the east and north-east of British New Guinea, in 

 which these two articles circulate in opposite direc- 

 tions. Thev are constantly being exchanged, scarcely 

 ever being jjut to any use, but returning after a few 

 vears to the same district whence they were originally 

 sent out, and then being traded again. The exchange 

 is of a highly formal and ceremonial character, based 

 on mythological tradition, and carried on according to 

 very complex and rigid rules. Extensive and darinsr 

 oversea expeditions in big sea-;<oing canoes are made 

 year after veaf, mainlv in ,order to carry on this 

 exchange. It involves a singulil- form of ownership, 

 bv which a token of wealth never remains in ^the 

 hands of one man for anv length of time. Instead of , 

 owning one article permanently, he owns a ^r^^'i \ 

 number of articles temporarily. As a result of this J 



