Science in Public Affairs 



thought necessary to secure the safety of the new 

 national policy, and with still less disposition to 

 exterminate minorities in the hope of destroying 

 their future return to power. The four things 

 depend on one another. We have enough national 

 solidarity to allow ourselves plenty of individual 

 freedom. We believe that through keeping itself 

 open to new impressions (which involves pre- 

 serving variety of temperaments and points of 

 view) the nation will remain sensitive to the 

 conditions which point to change. We have 

 experienced the practical benefits which come 

 through free discussion and from allowing new 

 views to be frankly stated and then sifted by 

 criticism. We admit the weight of argument on 

 both sides of all great questions and doubt the 

 practical wisdom of enjoying unanimity at the 

 price of the expulsion of dissenting minorities. 

 We keep in our armoury varying precedents which 

 can be used to give historic continuity to more 

 than one course of public action. And yet the 

 bottom fact of all is national solidarity, strong 

 enough to dispense with uniformity, persisting 

 through endless disputes, and always emerging at 

 times of real crisis. 



If it is true that these are national characteristics, 

 will it not be wise to take them into account in 

 English educational reorganisation ? The be- 

 setting fault of State systems of education is 

 their tendency to interfere with the free expression 

 of individual conviction. They hush up questions 

 which may stir controversy, but in regard to which 



TOO 



