Leading Articles in the Reviews. 



57 



THE origin of THE TRIPLICE. 



Trom the Memoirs of Crisi'i. 



The Rr^ue des Deux Mindes, in its mid-December 

 numl)er, has been [)erniitted to print from the Memoirs 

 and Journals of Francesco Crispi, which are being 

 edited for publication by T. Palamenghi Crispi, a 

 chapter relating to the origin of the Triple Alliance 

 between Germany, Austria and Italy. 



CRispi's MISSION IN 1877. 



The documents, consisting of letters and reports 

 written by Crispi, or letters received by him, give an 

 account of an impoitant political tour to several 

 European capitals on which Crispi was sent in 1877 

 to discuss the solution of diftVrent questions which 

 might arise in consecjuence of the Russo-Turkish war, 

 as well as the desirability of an alliance between Italy 

 and Germany, in case of war with France or with 

 Austria. The most interesting parts are the reports 

 of the two interviews with Prince Bismarck. In the 

 evening of September 17th at Gastein the first 

 meeting look place, and Crispi explained his mission. 

 He said in effect : — 



At komo we arc miking of the probability of a war willi 

 France should the reactionary parly win in the n<>xt French 

 elections. Moreover, we are no; quite sure of Austria, and that 

 is why I have been sent by the King of Italy lo discuss several 

 things, some of special interest to Italy and Germany, and 

 others of international interest. Would you be disposed to 

 enter into an alliance with us shi uld we find ourselves obliged 

 to go to war with France or with Austria? 



FRANCE, THE COMMON ENEMY. 



Keeping to the international questions, Bismarck's 

 reply ran : — 



If Italy were to be attacked by France, Germany would unite 

 with you against the common enemy, and we can agree as to a 

 treaty with this aim in view. But I hope there will Ix; no war. 

 As to Austria, I cannot imagine the position of having her as an 

 enemy, and I say quite frankly I will not even foresee such an 

 eventuality. We re<)uirc that Russia and Austria shall remain 

 friends. Germany has no interests in the Eastern Question, and 

 any solution (after the jKusso-'l'urkish War) will be acceptable 

 to us, provided it does not trouble the peace of Kurope. 



THE K.\?TERN QUESTION. 



In reference to the Eastern Question Cris()i ven- 

 tured to ask : — 



Uo you believe Austria will always remain friendly to 

 Germany ? What about the Danube ? Is not a large part of it 

 a Germ.in river ! Italy cannot be indifferent to the liastcrn 

 Question. It is said that Russia, lo make sure of the friendship 

 of Austria, has offered the latter the liosnian Provinces, but 

 Italy couhl not allow .\uslria 10 occupy these territories. Vou 

 ought lo dis.suade Count Andrassy from any desire of conquest 

 of Ottoman territory. 



AUSTRIA AND THE BOSNIAN PROVINCES. 



The Prince explained : — 



Austria is pursuing a goo<l policy at the present momenl, and 

 t am pcrsu.idcd she will continue to do so. The only possible 

 cause of a rup"ure between Austria and Germany would be a 

 difference of policies of the two (governments in I'oland. The 

 I )anul>e does not concern us; the river is only navigable from 

 Uelgrade. Bosnia and the Kattern Question do not affect 

 German interests, but if they liccnmc the cause of a quarrel 

 between Austria and Italy we should deplore it. If Austria 

 did take Bosnia, Italy could lake Albania, or some otlier 



Turkish territory on the .Adriatic. I hope, however, that the 

 relations of your Government with that of Austria will become 

 friendly and even cordial, but if you should go to war with 

 .Austria, we will not help you against our friend. 



GERMANY AND AUSTRIA. 



" Germanic unity is not yet achieved," observed 

 Crispi, " and there are many Germans outside the 

 German Empire." "Austrian territory seems to 

 please you, and Gastein, to which you come every 

 year, has to me a symbolical meaning. It might 

 even become a prediction. . . ." But Bismarck 

 interposed : — 



No, you are wrong. I used to come here before 1866. But 

 listen to me. We have a vast Empire with forty millions of 

 people to govern. That gives us enough to do, and we have 

 no ambition to make new conquests or to run the risk of losing 

 what we now possess. It is to our interest to maintain peace. 



A TREATY AGAINST FRANCE. 



Bismarck repeated the oflTer of a Turkish province, 

 but Crispi said, " We do not want a Turkish province 

 on the Adriatic. Atjstria would still be able to enter 

 our country whenever she chose. We want nothing 

 froirt anybody ; we shall abide by the treaties, but 

 we desire security at home." 



On September 24th Crispi again saw Bismarck at 

 Berlin, and the reply he received from the Prince 

 was : — 



I have not yet seen the King ; but so far as I am concerned 

 I am ready to negotiate against France, but not against 

 Austria. The Alliance will have to be defensive and offensive, 

 not because I desire war (I will do everything I can to avoid 

 it), but because of the nature of things. 



BIS.MARCK AND THE HOLY SEE. 



Among Other things Crispi referred to a successor 

 to Pius IX. "A Liberal Pope would be worse t'Vian 

 a reactionary," said Bismarck. " The vice is in the 

 institution, and the man, whoever he may be and 

 whatever his opinions and tendencies, can have little 

 or no influence on the action of the Holy See. At 

 the Vatican the real master is the Curia." 



"That is only too true," agreed Crispi, and he 

 expressed the gratitude of the Italians to Bismarck 

 for his strong attitude against the Catholic clergy 

 since 1870. " But I cannot be eiiually grateful to 

 the Italian Government," was Bismarck's retort. 



Russia, India, America. 



I.v the [lindmttin Rainci for October Mr. J. S. 

 Rao draws a comparison and contrast between India 

 and Russia. In both, he says, the vastness of the 

 environment paralyses the individual activity : — 



In the United States the intellectual artistic and spiritual 

 results arc ridiculously small compared with the phenomenal 

 material success. 'I'luis vastness o( Nature in the end proves too 

 much for man. Now when anything proves too much for us, 

 the keynote of our character l>ecomes roignation and our prime 

 virtue endurance. Thou;.;h alriUrd as it may seem at first sight, 

 that is the type of character which the .Americans will ultimately 

 reach. But in Russia, as in India, it is a trait of the national 

 character which h.as been reached long ago in the prust. 



The writer somewhat bitterly contrasts the public- 

 spirited devotion of the educated classes in Russia 

 with the futility of the same order in India. 



I 



