ULSTER TENANT-RIGHT. 167 



giveu, the occupier of every thatched hovel would 

 have a vote, and the whole political power in sucli 

 boroughs (not including large towns) would be put 

 into the hands of the occupiers of these hovels. A 

 hovel is a house, and a house may be a hovel. There- 

 fore the immense difference between the occupiers of 

 hovels in Irish Ijoroughs and houses in England is 

 put aside. 



Wliat wonder can there be that dwellers in such 

 AiTetched hovels as can be seen in the purlieus of 

 every Irish to"wn think that the only use of a vote is 

 to try and get some personal gain for themselves, and 

 are ready to follow the foolishness of agitators, who 

 are really only the worst of their own sort, much 

 worse than most of the poor people, having aU their 

 faults and none of their good qualities ? The one 

 argument in favour of the extension of the franchise 

 in Ireland is, that the members returned now are 

 such a thoroughly bad set, that it is impossible worse 

 can be found, whatever the franchise may be. It is 

 hard to answer this. 



The extension of the Ulster tenant-right custom 

 to the rest of Ireland is often spoken of as a remedy 

 for all the evils of the country. Such an exten- 

 sion would be contrary to all principles of honest 

 dealing towards the owners of land. By the Ulster 

 tenant-right, whenever the tenant leaves his farm 

 from any cause, he is usually entitled to sell (what is 

 called) his interest in it to the highest bidder, pro- 



