50 Tin: THICATY OF WASHINGTON. 



glaiul, wliethcr in rarllament or in the Press, was un- 

 seasonable or indiscreet; uiueli of it factious toward 

 the British (lovernincnt itself; mucli of it disrespect- 

 ful to the American Government ; but none of it of 

 any ultimate importance or consequence in regard to 

 either Government, for the following reasons : 



1. Both Governments sincerely desired peace. Great 

 Britain could never have retreated from the Arbitra- 

 tion in violation of the Treaty, wluUever the Press 

 might say, and whoever should be in ])ower as jNIin- 

 ister. 



2. Freedom of debate is essential to freedom of in- 

 stitutions. To be sure, the Press in Great Britain, 

 and somewhat, but less so, in the United States, is 

 prone to take upon itself rather lofty airs, and to 

 speak of public alfairs quite absolutely, as if it were 

 the Government. ]5ut uobody is deceived by this, 

 not even the Press itself. We, the English-speaking 

 nations, thank heaven, possess the capability of living 

 in the atmosphere of oral and written debate. It was 

 safe to predict that liowmuchsoever jNIr. Gladstone 

 and Lord Granville might feel annoyed by the din 

 of words around them, it would not induce them to 

 break faith Avith the United States. 



3. It was not the voice of the I'^ixjlkh Press which 

 could seriously aflect us. AVe looked rather to the 

 state of opinion in the French, German, and Italian 

 speaking countries of Europe, which, on the whole, 

 thouLch ditlerinfc as to the lecjal ric:ht of the United 

 States to recover on the national claims, yet decisive- 

 ly agreed with us in affiniiing that those claims were 



