A HISTORY OF SURREY 



who was the successor of Miles, is found liable to pay 60 shillings, which 

 represents an assessment of 30 hides on his holding. 1 This is a decisive 

 and a striking instance. It can also be shown that Cuddington, on which 

 the assessment had been reduced from 26 hides to 7, was liable for 25 

 hides in the year 1 130. That the old assessment of the Confessor's days 

 may not have been restored in every instance is probable not only from 

 the total for the county being somewhat lower in 1130, but also from 

 the fact that we find in Berkshire two manors of which the assessments 

 had been reduced from 40 hides to 6, and from 20 hides to 6 re- 

 spectively, and the owners of which are found on the Pipe Roll of 1130 

 paying large sums to retain these low assessments. 2 It has been needful 

 to discuss in some detail this important question, for its study proves that 

 the Norman kings did not hesitate to raise in their own favour even the 

 assessments admitted by Domesday Book itself. 



When from the subject of assessment we turn to that of valuation, 

 we again find that it involves a question of national history. It has been 

 argued by Mr. Baring that the Domesday evidence enables us to trace 

 the march of the Normans after the Battle of Hastings and to check the 

 somewhat meagre statements by the chroniclers on the subject. 3 That 

 William marched through Surrey, leaving London on his right, is, of 

 course, an historical fact ; but Mr. Baring holds that we can go further 

 and trace the line of his march. For Domesday records the value of 

 manors not only under Edward the Confessor and in 1086, but also at the 

 time when the Normans received them. It was at this last period that 

 those which had been harried betrayed the fact by a sharp fall in their 

 values. These three valuations are shown in the figures given below, those 

 within square brackets representing the lowered values when the manors 

 were received. Mr. Baring thinks that William advanced by ' Lewis- 

 ham (16, [12], 30) and Camberwell 12, [6], 14, within striking distance 

 of Southwark, to a camp at Battersea (80, [30], 75).' He argues that 



From Camberwell a loop of damage runs twenty miles south to Blechingley 

 and Westerham, touching five-and-twenty manors, together T.R.E. 305, after- 

 wards 187.* These ... lie only a mile or two apart in a line, though a looped 

 line, and mark, no doubt, the track of a foraging expedition. . . . But William 

 did not stay long before London. He could not cross the river, and after burning 

 Southwark he apparently marched to Mortlake (32, [ IO ]> 38), and thence by Combe 

 and Maiden (together 1 1, [6], u) to Molesey, Ditton, and Walton (together 34, 

 [20], 43). He does not, however, seem to have followed the river further, but to 

 have struck south fifteen miles to Guildford, where we find damage at Shalford 

 (16, [9], 20), Bramley (40, [30], 60), and Godalming (25, [20], 30).' From 



* Pipe Roll 31 Hen. I., p. 51. 



2 See my paper in Domesday Studies (I. 1 14-5), and Pipe Roll 31 Hen. I., pp. 123, 125. 



8 See p. 277, note 2 above. I have endeavoured in my Introduction to Domesday for the Victoria 

 History of Northamptonshire to trace, by the same evidence, the march of the Northern earls through that 

 county in 1065. 



* That is to say they had fallen in value to that extent, when the Normans received them, since 

 the days of Edward the Confessor. Mr. Baring gives their names as ' Tooting, Merton, Ewell, Cud- 

 dington, Banstead, Woodmansterne, Chipstead, Merstham, Gatton, Nutfield, Blechingley, Chivington, 

 Godstone, Oxstead, Tandridge, Titsey, Limpsfield, Westerham ; then back by Woldingham, Tillingdon, 

 Farley, Chelsham, Beddington, Wallington, and Carsh(aulton).' 



6 English Historical Review, XIII. 19. 



278 



