IDEALS FOR THE NEW STATE 351 



will affright every foe. Is not this judicial blindness ? From 

 sheer ignorance and imposition the majority here has been 

 against you ; but feeling has no fellow, and we now begin to 

 feel in good earnest, but it is only the beginning. Public and 

 private credit are fast, very fast declining. Yet one man 

 refuses his consent to any change of measures. 



How often have I pleaded with all within my reach to send 

 full powers to treat for a commercial union ! I knew my 

 friend's liberality of sentiment, his love to this country and 

 many in it, would make him forget the injuries he had received, 

 and have said that I knew he was incapable of admitting the 

 behaviour of those who had strove to disgrace him, even for 

 a single moment, [to] prevent him from co-operating for the 

 public lasting benefit of both countries. But where must I 

 end ? With the most fervent wishes for the long life and 

 health and immortal happiness of all who are disinterested 

 friends to the liberties of Morika (?) [America]. 



The pages of this letter which have been preserved 

 may not be in consecutive order. Fothergill's mind, 

 ever working for the future, had some suggestions for the 

 government of America. He goes on : 



Is it not worth a trial to endeavour to excite the operation 

 of virtuous principle to the benefit of the community rather 

 than solely aiming at defending it against the worst parts of 

 human nature ? Perhaps a list of fame, and another of 

 infamy, would operate greatly to the public good, as China, 

 in the best parts of its empire, has experienced. Let him 

 who has distinguished himself for virtuous deeds, however 

 humble the objects or his situation, be put on the list of fame 

 for a period proportioned to the benefits or exertions. Let 

 him who behaves amiss be condemned to the list of infamy, 

 and let those be deemed infamous who, not being his immediate 

 relations, countenance him. Cannot at least a part of human 

 malignity be opposed in this manner in a way more consistent 

 with the reason of man, as well as with the general spirit of 

 the Gospel ? 



Try one experiment : abolish all oaths and affirmations as 

 the evidences of truth. Let this rest on the simple assertion. 

 Truth ought never to be made so cheap as to have it suspected 

 that under certain formalities it is a crime to forsake her, and 

 that without those formalities she is of no consequence. In 

 short nothing seems to patronise falsehood so much as main- 

 taining a supposition that truth is not at all times of equal 

 reverence. Let falsehood be punished as perjury. The 



