EDITOR'S TABLE. 



417 



materially to these duties. The 

 "new" social reformer has become 

 convinced by his study of social sci- 

 ence that municipalities should in 

 every case have their own water- 

 works system ; that they should have 

 their own gas and electric lighting 

 plant ; that they should own and 

 run the street cars; that they should, 

 in a word, take from the hands of 

 private enterprise every industry 

 that comes under that vague and 

 inexact designation of *' natural mo- 

 nopolies." 



If the duties already intrusted to 

 municipalities were performed with 

 a skill and economy that evoked uni- 

 versal commendation, there might 

 perhaps be something said in favor 

 of their extension beyond the limit 

 that Mr. Spencer has laid down, 

 namely, the preservation of order 

 and the protection of life and prop- 

 erty. But what is the case? We 

 venture to say that if any unpreju- 

 diced observer from another planet 

 where the philosophy of Mr. Spencer 

 is observed, had studied the muni- 

 cipal contests mentioned and were to 

 express an opinion, he would say 

 without the slightest qualification 

 that it would be beyond human in- 

 genuity to discover a more absurd, 

 wasteful, and demoralizing method 

 of doing business than the one 

 through politics. Why it is that a 

 truth so obvious does not thrust itself 

 upon every thoughtful mind with 

 an irresistible force is a mystery 

 that must take high rank with the 

 devotion of many intelligent peo- 

 ple to Kneippism and other forms of 

 quackery. 



What was the problem that the 

 elections were expected to solve ? 

 The assertion was made repeatedly 

 that it was a very simple one, name- 

 ly, whether public affairs were to be 

 managed in a businesslike manner 

 or in accordance with the interests 

 of the politicians. As thus stated it 

 vol. lii. 31 



was simple; but correctly stated it 

 was complex in the highest degree. 

 It was to select a large number of 

 competent men for a large number 

 of important duties, each requiring 

 high character and special fitness. 

 In the case of one city having a pop- 

 ulation of one hundred and sixty 

 thousand, which may serve as a type, 

 there were sixty- seven such men to 

 be chosen, not to mention the twenty 

 constables, the two members of the 

 Assembly, county clerk, county su- 

 perintendent of the poor, and judge 

 of the Court of Appeals. We all 

 know how difficult it is to select one 

 competent man for an important 

 duty. We know, too, how often we 

 fail. Think how much more difficult 

 it is to select sixty-seven ! Think, too, 

 how great the chances are of failure ! 



But what were the steps taken to 

 solve this problem ? Were they such 

 as would commend themselves to the 

 proprietors of a great New England 

 cotton mill or a great Pennsylvania 

 steel foundry ? Before each alder- 

 man, school commissioner, member 

 of the board of public works, etc., 

 was presented to the voters for their 

 suffrages, were his moral character 

 and his capacity for the duty to be 

 intrusted to him carefully investi- 

 gated and pronounced to be up to 

 the standard required to conduct 

 public affairs in accordance with 

 business principles ? Let the shame- 

 less intriguing at the caucuses and 

 conventions, the despotic dictation 

 of some party boss that placed them 

 upon the party ticket in disregard of 

 their moral and intellectual fitness 

 answer this question. 



It should be remembered that 

 with certain exceptions there were 

 two sets of candidates of this charac- 

 ter presented to the voter for choice. 

 What were the steps taken to enable 

 him to select the better of the two 

 lots ? Did he listen to speakers fa- 

 miliar with the personal and busi- 



