AND THE WHIG COALITION 335 



dous engine of federalism," tending toward the " con- 

 solidation " of the states into a single political body. 

 His attitude in 1833 was substantially the same as in 

 1 86 1, when secession had become a grim reality. In the 

 earlier crisis, as in the later, he tried to stand upon the 

 ground that while secession might be wrong, coercion 

 was a greater wrong. This was the mental attitude 

 that in 1861 led Virginia to join the Southern Confed- 

 eracy and made Mr. Tyler in the last year of his life a 

 member of the Confederate Congress. And as in 1861 

 the secession of Virginia was preceded by the assem- 

 bling of a peace convention of border states, with Tyler 

 for its president, so now in 1833 he undertook to play 

 the part of mediator between Clay and Calhoun, and 

 in that capacity earnestly supported the compromise 

 tariff bill introduced by the former in the Senate on 

 the 1 2th of February. In this measure, which was op- 

 posed by Mr. Webster as an ill-timed and mischievous 

 concession to the threats of South Carolina, we may 

 see a premonitory symptom of that alliance between 

 the followers of Tyler and Clay which soon resulted 

 in the formation of the Whig party. At the same time 

 occurred the sudden and decisive break between Tyler 

 and Jackson. In a special message to Congress, the 

 President asked for full and explicit authority to use 

 the army and navy, if need be, for the purpose of 

 suppressing armed insurrection. Congress readily re- 

 sponded with the so-called " Force Bill," and here Mr. 

 Tyler showed that he had the courage of his convic- 

 tions. When the bill was put to vote in the Senate, on 

 the 2Oth of February, some of its Southern opponents 

 were conveniently absent, others got up and went out 

 in order to avoid putting themselves on record. The 



