OF THE BOSTON TEA. PARTY I7I 
to Sweden at the present day, with one and the same 
king but separate and independent legislatures. On 
this theory the Americans had practically lived most 
of the time. But this point British statesmen and the 
British people did not realize. In their minds Parlia- 
ment was the supreme body at home; even the king 
wore his crown by act of Parliament; in the empire 
at large there must be supreme authority somewhere, 
and as it clearly was not in the king, it must be in 
Parliament. 
Accordingly, when George Grenville became prime 
minister, just as Pontiac’s war was breaking out, he 
saw no harm in raising an American revenue for con- 
tinental purposes by act of Parliament. Grenville 
cared little for theories of government; he was a man 
of business and liked to have things done promptly and 
in a shipshape manner. He was willing to have the 
Americans raise the revenue themselves; only if they 
wouldn’t do it, he would; there must be no more shilly- 
shallying. What would be the least annoying kind of 
tax for the purpose? Doubtlessa stamp tax. William 
Shirley, the very popular royal governor of Massachu- 
setts, had said so ten years before, and there seemed 
to be reason in it. A stamp tax involves no awkward 
questions about private property and incomes, puts no 
premium upon lying, and entails as little expense as 
possible in its collection. Moreover, it cannot be 
evaded, and the proceeds all go into the treasury. 
So Grenville got his Stamp Act ready, but with 
commendable prudence and courtesy he gave the 
Americans a year’s notice in advance, so that if they 
had anything better to suggest it might be duly con- 
sidered. 
