324 POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY. 



politician to repression. I have just remarked that I favor the giv- 

 ing up of nothing that is guaranteed to us by the Constitution of 

 the United States, or that is fundamental to our citizenship. While 

 I hold to these views as strongly as any one, I differ with some as to 

 the method of securing the permanent and peaceful enjoyment of 

 all the privileges guaranteed to us by our fundamental law. 



In finding a remedy, we must recognize the world-wide fact that 

 the negro must be led to see and feel that he must make every 

 effort possible in every way possible to secure the friendship, the 

 confidence, the co-operation of his white neighbor in the South. 

 To do this, it is not necessary for the negro to become a truckler 

 or a trimmer. The Southern white man has no respect for a negro 

 who does not act from principle. In some way the Southern white 

 man must be led to see that it is to his interest to turn his attention 

 more and more to the making of laws that will in the truest sense 

 elevate the negro. At the present moment, in many cases, when one 

 attempts to get the negro to co-operate with the Southern white 

 man, he asks the question, " Can the people who force me to ride in 

 a Jim Crow car, and pay first-class fare, be my best friends? " In 

 answering such questions, the Southern white man as well as the 

 negro has a duty to perform. 



In the exercise of his political rights I should advise the negro 

 to be temperate and modest, and more and more to do his own 

 thinking, rather than to be led or driven by a political " boss " or by 

 political demagogues. 



I believe the permanent cure for our present evils will come 

 though a property and educational test for voting that shall apply 

 honestly and fairly to both races. This will cut off the large mass 

 of ignorant voters of both races that is now proving so demoralizing 

 a factor in the politics of the Southern States. 



But most of all it will come through industrial development of 

 the negro! It is for this reason that I have believed in General 

 Armstrong's theory of industrial education. In the first place, in- 

 dustrial education makes an intelligent producer of the negro, who 

 becomes of immediate value to the community rather than one who 

 yields to the temptation to live merely by politics or other parasitical 

 employments. In the next place, industrial development will make 

 the negro soon become a property-holder, and when a citizen be- 

 comes a holder of property he becomes a conservative and thought- 

 ful voter. He is going to think about the measures and individuals 

 to be voted for. In proportion as the negro increases his property 

 interests he becomes important as a taxpayer. When the negro 

 becomes a large taxpayer, he will see that it is to his interest to 

 consult with his white neighbor about the measures to be voted for. 



