S4B 



FARMERS' REGISTER— INTERNAL IMPRONEMENT. 



four counties voted in the affirmative to four in the 

 negative; and, upon motion, one member* from 

 one of tlie counties in the minority was allowed to 

 enter his dissent to the vote of his said county. 



In conformity with the last clause of that re- 

 port, the convention beps leave to lay before the 

 legislature and people of the country, in a condens- 

 ed form, its views i\nd wishes ujjon this all impor- 

 tant subject. The convention disclaims all iilea of 

 dictating to the legislature in the discharge of that 

 high trust which is committed to it under our hap- 

 py and wise constitution ; but asks the reasonable 

 privilege of respectfully appealing to the sound 

 sense, the warm patriotism and high responsiliili- 

 ty of your enlightened body in behalf of a people, 

 of whom, in common with j'ourselves, they con- 

 stitute a part. The improvements made in other 

 states have awakened in our citizens a sense of 

 their own necessity, and pointed to the means by 

 which they are to be relieved. Through us they 

 cry to your honorable body, for it is you alone who 

 can do it, to put those means within their reuch, 

 and we confidently trust their cry will not be un- 

 heard or disregarded. We invoke the aid of the 

 legislature not in the ordinary way of petitioning 

 for charters, and praying for some pitiful contri- 

 bution from the coffers of the state to aid us in the 

 accomplishment of some trivial local object ; but 

 we come boldly forward and tell you that our plan 

 is too stupendous for individual enterprize, too ge- 

 neral in its utility to be the peculiar concern of 

 any one section of the stale, and pray that its exe- 

 cution may be exclusively directed by the paren- 

 tal wisdom of the state government, and the means 

 furnished from its treasury. The lirst question 

 which presents itself is, is this demand reasonable.' 

 Is it right and proper that tlie government of a 

 state should undertake the accomplislimcnt of great 

 public works.' This certainly sounds much like a 

 self-evident proposition, and it seems difficult to 

 conceiv£ how a negative answer should ever be 

 thought of. But, strange as it may seem, doubts 

 have been expressed upon the question. The ten- 

 dency of human nature is to run into extremes, 

 and in sudden and precipitate flight from one error, 

 a man often finds himself thoughtlessly rushing 

 into an opposite, but not less Altai one. The 

 extravagance of trans-atlantic governments was 

 found to be a fruitful parent of corruption, and, 

 therefore, cheapness was early sanctified in our po- 

 litical history as a needful attribute of a pure one. 

 But the evil principle complained of in those go- 

 vernments was not expenditures in the improve- 

 ment of the country, in patronising agriculture 

 and fostering the arts, but those made in pension- 

 ing the minions of power, in sustaining an indo- 

 lent and purse-proud aristocracy, in tlie sinecure 

 salaries of useless officers, and in cruel and crimi- 

 nal waste in unnecessary warfare. The common- 

 wealth is a term strictly ajiplicable to all republi- 

 can states, and is strongly significant of the nature 

 of their governments. They were not devised 

 only that their citizens might be safe, but that 

 they might be happy. Whatever man singly is 

 incompetent to perform for his individual happi- 

 ness, society was formed that it might be accom- 

 plished by united effort. Shall government, then, 

 in practice, discard the only principle upon which 

 it was based.' 



[*Col. Tliomas Cox of Halif.ix.— Erf.j 



But that this convention may not be misunder- 

 stood, and supp<jsed to assail the doctrine that in- 

 ternal improvement within the states is not the 

 proper province of the general government, they 

 beg leave to suggest that this doctrine derives its 

 support mainly from the position, that internal im- 

 provement within the limits of each particular 

 state, if not its duty, is at least its own exclusive ^ 

 right. But it is contended by some that, although 

 a state may of right undertak^e such works, yet it 

 is inexpedient that she should do so. This the 

 convention respectfully thinks depends entirely 

 upon the generality of their usefulness, their ex- 

 tent, and their unfitness for individual enterprize; 

 and they conceive that the subject under conside- 

 ration possesses all these attributes. It is assumed 

 by some, but denied by the convention, that works 

 can be done more cheaply by companies than by 

 the government. It is not denied that an indivi- 

 dual can accomjdish a work within his ability with 

 more despatch, fidelity and e<:onomy than a num- 

 ber, because the action of one mind is more concen- 

 trated than that of a number, and a princi}>al will al- 

 ways be more astute in mattersaffectinghisown pe- 

 culiar interest than any agent. But as to companies, 

 they are subject to all the differences, divisions and 

 distractions of opinion with a government, and in 

 common with it must depend upon the skill and fide- 

 lity of agents ; while, on the other hand, it is cer- 

 tain that government engaged in extensive public 

 works can, from its superior wealth, means of in- 

 formation and influence, command persons of more 

 established fame and higher attainments to manage 

 its affairs, than any private company, however ex- 

 tensive ; and, from its incalculalily superior cre- 

 dit, can command resources upon better terms, 

 and, from its illimitable wealth, is in less dan<i^erof 

 ultimate failure in the success of its undertakings. 

 But, after all, our application to the legislature is 

 to do for us what she can. She can command the 

 resources of the government; she cannot com- 

 mand individuals to subscribe to stock companies. 

 In the present slate of the public mind she will be 

 sustained in the one: slie will do nothing for our 

 relief by authorizing the other. 



The next question which arises is, wl>ethcr the 

 plan we propose is worthy of the patronage of the 

 legislature.' We do not say that it is the best 

 which could possibly have been proposed ; but we 

 do say that it is one calculated for great and gene- 

 ral utility ; that the people will receive it as com- 

 mensurate to their great and imperious wants; and 

 will sustain us in its recommendation, and you in 

 its adoption. It has been our wish, in the spirit of 

 republican legislation, to effect the greatest ^ood 

 to the greatest number ; and if any portion of the 

 state is omitted in our plan, it must be some por- 

 tion that is not, in the nature of things, within the 

 reach of direct assistance, and can therefore only 

 be benefitted by the general prosperity. If it can- 

 not slake its thirst where the fluid bubbles from 

 the fountain, it can partake largely of the refresh- 

 ing influence of the flowing stream. We believe 

 that its execution will bring to the door, or place 

 within tlio reach of the reasonable industry of eve- 

 ry citizen of the state a cheap and easy intercourse 

 with suOicient markets ; and will refund to us the 

 tribute which we have been paying to other states, 

 by drawing to our markets the produce of some of 

 our neighboring sisters. The convention believes 

 that, to the enlightened body they are addressing. 



