112 



THE GENESEE FARMER 



LETTERS PROM EUROPE. 



LETTER VII 



Paris, January IB, 1831. 



My dear H France is at this moment one 



grand military encampment. By the opening 

 of the spring, she will show to her enemies five 

 hundred thousand warriors, armed and equips 

 ped for offensive service, besides one million of 

 well organized and well trained citizen soldiers. 

 For the regular army, the conscription, so ef- 

 fective under Napoleon, has been put in requi- 

 sition. This is a very unceremonious mode of 

 raising an army out of a free people, and yet, 

 so far as I can learn, it does not excite one 

 murmur of discontent. In one respect, itsis 

 certainly republican. The doctrine of equal 

 rights and privileges is preserved. Every able- 

 bodied male citizen, from eighteen to forty- 

 five, is enrolleJ as a part of the human mote- 

 riel of war, and in this enrolment, the sons of 

 Peers of the realm often stand by the side of 

 «he humblest citizen, and take their chance 

 in the casting of the lots for active service. — 

 It is owing to this circumstance, that it has so 

 often occurred in the illustrious days of French 

 history, that the future general, field marshal, 

 and even monarch, has been seen warring in 

 the ranks of the arm}' as a common soldier 



The organization of the National Guards 

 was at first voluntary, with only so much com- 

 pulsion as was induced by public opinion. — 

 Every man, from sixteen to sixty, of sufficient 

 ability, menials excepted, became a National 

 Guard. Nor was the service merely nominal. 

 The handsome uniform of tho corps was adopt- 

 ed at his own expense, and he received noth- 

 ing from the government except his arms, — 

 He appoared regularly at his post for military 

 exercise and discipline, and he took his appoin- 

 ted share in the dulies of a guard and patrol. 

 In short, he was a soldier, devoted to the ser- 

 vice of his country, and returning to his coun- 

 ting-house, his bureau, or his shop only when 

 off duty. The main difference now is, that the 

 whole of this organization and service is reg- 

 ulated by law Paris alone has eighty thous 

 and men-at-arms of this description, besides 



the municipal guard and troops of the line. 



The sons of King Louis Pliilipe are enrolled 

 in its ranks as common soldiers, and it embra- 

 ces every class, except those who are degraded 

 by menial employment. The military spirit 

 of the country is roused. If you see the King 

 at the balcony of the Palais Royal, or on the 

 Boulevards, as you may do every other day, 

 you 6ee him in uniform. If you look at the 

 boys of twelve years old, promenading in the 

 garden of the Tuilleries, you will see them 

 armed and equipped cap a-pie. Every third 

 »nan you meet in the streets is dressed in reg- 

 imentals, and you cannot visit a public ground 

 or place of any kind, or turn the corner of any 

 street, without passing a sentinel under arms. 

 Even Pere la Chaise, and the very catacombs 

 themselves are under guard, as much as the 

 King's palace or the legislative chambers. 



It is to be recollected, however, that the 

 whole of this appearance is not to be set down 

 to the account of warlike preparations. The 

 entire police of both city and country is effect- 

 ed in military garb. The executive adminiss 

 Oration of every department of the Govern 

 roentj is entrusted only to men who either bear 

 arms, or wear some rug of military ornament, 

 us the badge of their authority. Nevertheless. 

 it is not to be disguised, that the energies of 

 the Government are put forth in the most in- 

 dustrious and extensive preparations for war ; 

 and whether the war comes or not, it is but 

 the part of prudence to be ready. Tho very 

 preparation may prevent the actual conflict, 

 by inducing the removal or the withholding of 

 tho causes of collision. 



France must be considered, at the present 

 time, as arming in the great cause of national 

 and individual freedom; and there are two 

 ways in which she may be called on to exer- 

 cise her arms— either in tho defence of hor 

 own institutions against foreign aggression. or 



April 9, 1881' 



by coming to the aid of some of the oppressed 

 powers of Europe in vindication of the princi- 

 ple of nonintervention. It is true, that she is 

 not, just now, in much danger of attack from 

 abroad Russia is perhaps the only power in! 

 Europe, at the prosent day, who would dare' 

 to commit offensive war for the doctrines oi 

 legitimacy, and she has work enough to do. 

 for a while at least, in her own immediate 

 concerns. Poland demands her freedom, and 

 Nicholas must yield it, or occupy his entire 

 strength in carrying on a war of extermination j 

 against her. There are other powers indeed . 

 who are sufficiently wedded to the doctrines of I 

 " the divine right," and would be glad enough! 

 to fight for them, but, thank God, there is not; 

 one of them who dares to send a single soldier ! 

 j out of his own kingdom on such an eriand, lest 

 lit should weaken that portion of necessary 

 strength on which ho must rely for Ihesupport J 

 of his authority at home. Indeed, it may be i 

 set down as certain, that France is in no dan- ; 

 ger of attack, unless it should grow out of a I 

 general war, waged, in the first instance, for 

 the principle of nonintervention. Russia her' 

 self has, in effect yielded the point ; having, 

 thought it most prudent, since the rising of] 

 Poland, to send an accredited Minister to the 

 King of the French. Besides, I sincerely be- 

 ilieve that the time has gone by, when the ar 

 mies of Europe could be brought into the field 

 and made to fight for the avowed purpose of 

 overturning a government established by the 

 free choice of the people, in order to make 

 room for legitimacy in any shape 



Of the other causes by which France mav 



only interfere in the event of Austria or Prus- 

 sia coming in to the war — an occurrence of 

 which there does not yet appear to be much 

 probability. The Belgian queslion is one of 

 more difficulty. Holland professes to be eon- 

 tent to let Belgium go, but would torn her out 

 without covering or shelter, or the means oi 

 procuring either. The disputed right to the 

 possession of certain p!ace6 and territory, with- 

 out which Belgium could not be dofonded, and. 

 more especially, the freo navigation of the 

 Scheldt, claimed on the one hand and resisted 

 on tho other, and without which Belgium could 

 have but a short lived and sickly existence, 

 are subjects of deep importance and great em- 

 barrassment England and France, and in- 

 deed the Five Great Powers, have already ac- 

 knowledged Belgium as a separate and inde- 

 pendent state, while it is perfectly evident that 

 she can have no separate and independent ex- 

 istence, without, at the least, the right to nav- 

 igate the Scheldt. In the moan time, the ar- 

 mistice between Holland and Belgium has been 

 broken, and hostilities htive been rosumed. — 

 In this condition of things, what islhe position 

 of these several powers towards each other . ; 

 William is now making war on the people of a 

 i country, the independence of which has been 

 I acknowledged, and of course with no oilier 

 J object than to bring them again under his sovc- 

 i reignty, by forcing them to take their separate 

 i existence, if they will have it, with such con- 

 ' diti.oas that it would not he possible to preserve 

 jit, or worth preserving if they could. Mus; 

 , not France, at least, say to Holland — ''Belgium 



powerful body 

 the army, all who belong to it now and all who 

 would crowd into it if it wascahed into actual 



is a mockery— your real desire is to re-estab- 



j lish your authority over her against her will 



and this we cannot permit." This would be a 



in its own way, is bringing the weight of every 

 argument and every influence in Us power to I 

 devise, to bear upon this important question,! 

 and to foroe the Government, if possible, into 

 hostilities. An ingenious argument on the 

 subject of nonintervention has recently been 

 drawn up by a celebrated savant of Pans, and 

 banded about for approval among the friends 

 of liberty. This argument is built upon the 

 fact that that portion of ancient Poland, of 

 which Nicholas has had the sovereignty, has 

 never been incorporated with Russia since 

 1814, but has maintained a separate existence, 

 The people of Poland, of course, have done no 

 more than the people of Franco have done be- 

 fore them They have rejected Nicholas as I. 

 their sovereign, and have driven his Viceroy 

 and Ministers from the eountry, and are now- 

 resolved on the free election of their own ru 

 |lers. What right then, has tho Emperor of 

 j Russia to bring in his Russian subjects, a for- 

 'eigu army, to the invasiou of Poland, to coin- 

 : pel the people of this latter country, against 

 their united and declared will, to receive and 

 jcontinuc him as their sovereign? This, says 

 jthe argument, is a violation ofihe principle ol 

 I nonintervention, rightly understood ; and as 

 i France and England have declared for thie 

 punciple, France and England must make war 

 on the Northern Autocrat to sustain it. There 

 is qertainly some plausibility, if not sound doc- 

 trine, in this argument ; but I do not believe 

 it can produce the effect intended. Tho Gov- 

 ernment, which is really disinclined tofwar.l 

 and principally from motives of humanity, 

 seems prepared to resist all the politioal devi-f 

 ees designed to influence it, of which the po- 

 riod is so fruitful, and which are daily put in 

 requisition against it. 1 am strongly dispojed 



which the calamity of war is to be prevented , 

 and that is by Belgium, single-handed, prompt- 

 ly compelling Holiand to let go her hold on the 

 subjects of dispute between the two countries 

 — a course to which tne latter, if not absolute- 

 ly compelled by force of arms, may be partly 

 influenced by the certainty of bringing on her- 

 self new and more dreadful calamities, if she 

 shall continue obstinate. The French army 

 now, like that which marchod out of revolu- 

 tionary France, at a former period, witb its 

 discipline, its valour, and its love of liberty, 

 would march to certain victory and triumph, 

 wheeever it should go.* 



The best wisdom of this country is baffled 

 every day end hour, in its speculation on the 

 prospect of war, and 1 cannot pretend to be 

 wiser than those who can render reasons. One 

 reflection I confess has had its influence upon 

 my mind. Europe, in every part of it, seems 

 to be preparing for the extension of liberal 

 principles. These are not to be conquered 

 from their enemies, and established, without 

 a deep and desperate struggle. The onl/ 

 queslion would seem to be, are they to be 

 wrested piecemeal from the oppressors of the 

 people, in each individual country, as they have 

 been in France ; cris there to be a sudden and 

 widespread illumination on the continent, kin- 

 dled up from the fljuies of a general war? — 

 The latter event seems to me, at present, the 

 one of higher probability. 



Yours ever, B. 



* The Five great powers have now, by their 

 protocol of the 9ih insiaut. peremptorily ordered 

 hoih Belgium and HolL.'d lo case hostilities, 

 and aiwir.unded iho latter 'o open the naviga- 

 tion of the Scheldt I Both countries are dis- 



to believe that France will leave Russia and- 



Poland to fight ont their own battles, and will iaUs ^' i > aod would <icclare war if they dared ! 



