30 THE TKEATY OF WASHINGTON. 



"Nor does it fall witliiii the scope of tliis dispatdi to discuss 

 the important elianges in the rules of public law, the desirable- 

 ness of which has been demonstrated by the incidents of the 

 last few years, now under consideration, and which, ih view of 

 the maritime prominence of Great Britain and the United 

 States, it would befit them to mature and projiose to the other 

 States of Christendom. 



"All these are subjects of future consideration, Avhich, when 

 the time for action shall arrive, the President will consider 

 with sincere and earnest desire that all differences between 

 the two nations may be adjusted amicably and compatibly 

 with the honor of each, and to the promotion of future concord 

 between them; to which end he will spare no effort within the 

 range of his supreme duty to the right and interests of the 

 United States." 



The British Government was in this way distinctly 

 notified that, in addition to the question of indemni- 

 ties to individual citizens for the destruction of their 

 property, the United States were entitled to repara- 

 tion "for the larger account *of the vast national in- 

 juries" inflicted on them as a Government. 



That the British Government so understood the 

 matter is proved by the tenor of the elaborate respon- 

 sive paper, styled " Observations," appended to Lord 

 Clarendon's dispatch to Sir Edward Thornton of the 

 ensuing November ; and our national claims are spe- 

 cifically commented on in those ^' Observations." 



It is immaterial how these national losses came 

 afterward to be designated by the title of construct- 

 ive or indirect ; yet such is the fact. 



Now, it is perfectly clear that national claims are 

 not claims for indirect or constructive loss, any more 

 than individual claims are. In fact, throughout the 



