178 THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON. 



of, the subjects of any friendly State are injured, — if, 

 in a word, we slioukl be so foolish as to insist on 

 the privilege of possessing laws designedly imperfect, 

 and which thus favor the violation of law, and w^hicli 

 are insufficient to enable the President to discharge 

 the international obligations of the United States, — 

 then it is proper that we should pay for the enjoy- 

 ment of such a privilege by answering to any friendly 

 Power for the injurious consequences of our self im- 

 posed impotency to perform the necessary duties of 

 an independent sovereign State. 



There is no difficulty whatever in the question. . If, 

 on the one hand, in the case of war between two 

 other Powers, the United States desire and intend to 

 be neutral, it is to be hoped they will not suffer 

 themselves to be misled by the interests of some ship- 

 builders, or the wild schemes of some band of advent- 

 urers, foreign or domestic, or even by the sentiment 

 of sympathy for this or that foreign cause, into per- 

 mittinof violations of the law of the land and of the 

 rights of other States. If, on the other hand, the 

 United States at any time desire or intend to go to 

 war with some foreign Power, whether for induce- 

 ments of sentiment or for objects of ambition, it is to 

 be hoped they will manfully say so, in the face of the 

 world, and will not sneak into national hostilities by 

 means of the expeditions or equipments of private 

 persons, citizens or foreigners, conducting war in dis- 

 guise while the Government falsely pretends to be at 

 peace. All such "national activities," — that is, acts 

 oi fiUhiisterisin, — whether fi-audulently encouraged or 



